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Sunday, February 9th, 2020

 

Les populations de Jacqueville invitées à être unies dans la diversité pour une Côte d’Ivoire de paix

Publié le 10.02.2020 à 00h18 par APA

Le ministre ivoirien auprès du premier ministre chargé de la coordination des grands projets Claude Isaac Dé a invité les populations et cadres de Jacqueville dans le Sud du pays à être unis dans la diversité pour une Côte d’Ivoire de paix, indique une note d’information transmise dimanche à APA.«Nous devons faire prévaloir les valeurs essentielles qui sont : l’unicité dans la diversité, la solidarité, la cohésion sociale, l’engagement au travail, le respect mutuel pour une Côte d’Ivoire de justice, de paix, de tolérance, de pardon, d’équité et de prospérité » a déclaré M. Dé qui s’exprimait lors d’une cérémonie de distinction des cadres de cette localité organisée dans le village d’Avagou. 

 Poursuivant, il a insisté sur la nécessité de cultiver la paix et le dialogue dans le pays et à « bannir les maux qui détruisent la cohésion sociale ». «Soyons des hommes et des femmes qui travaillent pour le bien commun et non pour leur propre intérêt. Soyons des hommes et des femmes qui réalisent l’unité en respectant la diversité d’opinion », a-t-il conseillé. 

A cette occasion le professeur Pierre Yourougou, un cadre de la région de Jacqueville a été désigné lauréat du prix « Cadre d’Or», une distinction décernée par une structure de communication locale pour « son engagement sans relâche pour le développement » de cette région. 

Le professeur Pierre Yourougou, souligne la note,   s’est félicité du choix porté sur sa personne et a saisi cette tribune pour rendre un vibrant hommage à la Grande Chancelière Henriette Dagri Diabaté qui est une « fille » de cette région pour son amour pour le travail et l’excellence qu’elle incarne.

 Aussi, a-t-il traduit sa gratitude à l’endroit du ministre Claude Isaac Dé « qui reste un modèle pour la jeunesse, pour son leadership et son engagement pour le développement de la région».


Côte d’Ivoire: les transporteurs du Gbêkê reçoivent des véhicules d’une valeur de 2,64 milliards Fcfa

Publié le 10.02.2020 à 00h18 par APA

Les transporteurs de la Région du Gbêkê, dans le centre ivoirien, ont reçu samedi des véhicules d’une valeur de 2,64 milliards Fcfa, dans le cadre du programme de renouvellement du parc automobile initié par l’Etat ivoirien.Les clefs des véhicules ont été remis par le ministre des Transports, Amadou Koné. Une quarantaine de responsables d’entreprises de transport routier ont réceptionné samedi les engins composés de camions bennes 10 roues, de 25 tonnes, des camionnettes de 6 tonnes, des autocars de 41 places et de 26 places. L’étape de la Région du Région du Gbêkê, intervient après celle de la Région du Hambol. 

Le gouvernement ivoirien a initié, sous la houlette du président de la République Alassane Ouattara, le programme de renouvellement du parc automobile des transporteurs, et ce en vue d’améliorer les conditions de travail des transporteurs sur toute l’étendue  du territoire national. 

Le programme est conduit par le ministère des Transports à travers le Fond du développement du transport routier (FDTR). Il bénéficie d’appuis d’institutions financières, dont celui de l’UNACOOPEC-CI, un établissement financier ivoirien.  

Les prochaines étapes sont les Régions de San-Pedro (Sud-Ouest ivoirien) et du Gboklê. Le programme devrait s’étendre progressivement sur toute l’étendue du territoire national au profit des transporteurs.  


Stop vice of match-fixing

EDITORIALBy EDITORIAL
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Last year, Fifa handed former Harambee Stars defender George Owino a 10-year ban for manipulating a 2010 World Cup qualification match between Kenya and Nigeria in Nairobi in 2009.

Then last Tuesday, it made public disturbing findings involving manipulation of local football matches by footballers, coaches and administrators.

The world football governing body then handed lengthy bans to four Kenyan Premier League players after they were found guilty of fixing matches.

For his key role in the manipulation of match results, Ugandan player George Mandela was banned for life, while three Kenyans — Moses Chikati, Festus Okiring and Festo Omukoto — were suspended for four years and warned about their future conduct in the sport.

The players were found guilty of manipulating matches involving Kakamega Homeboyz in the league last season.

SENSITISE PLAYERS

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This development highlights a worrying trend in our football, where broke players with almost no pay are seemingly lured into manipulating football matches by shadowy people.

It has been whispered that the vice is rampant but little action has been taken. Football Kenya Federation (FKF) and Kenyan Premier League (KPL) must take a proactive role to help in apprehending the culprits and also run sensitisation programmes condemning the vice that would aim to educate the players.

Match manipulation is a dangerous vice that seriously brings into question the integrity of “the beautiful game” that is football and those involved in it.

The police should, in fact, be engaged to investigate the suspects, and those found guilty handed lengthy jail sentences to help in stamping out this bad and unsporting practice.


Universal education needs funds to work

EDITORIALBy EDITORIAL
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The government has more or less attained its objective of sending all Standard Eight leavers to secondary school.

Statistics released last week indicated that more than a million learners have joined Form One. This is no mean feat.

For years, the country has grappled with huge wastage in the school system as thousands of Kenya Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE) graduates perennially failed to progress to secondary school due to lack of places as well as crippling poverty.

The 100 per cent transition policy has significantly enhanced enrolment and put universal basic education — internationally recognised as at least 12 years of schooling — within reach.

All international charters, like Education for All (EFA) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), commit nations to do that.

Henceforth, the discourse should shift from access to equity and quality. Equity means that all learners, boys and girls, and all regions should have access to primary and secondary education. And it must be quality education.

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SHORTAGE OF TEACHERS

For it is meaningless to push every learner to school but they fail to acquire relevant knowledge, skills and attitudes to enable the individual to thrive in a dynamic and competitive environment.

Quality is determined by several variables, among them the availability of adequate and well-trained teachers; an appropriate and vibrant curriculum; a conducive learning environment with sufficient learning and teaching resources, and an effective management structure. Add to this, the security and safety of learners.

At present, there is an acute shortage of learning and teaching facilities. Expansion has led to congestion, with most schools putting more than 60 learners in a classroom.

In the context of acute teacher shortage and inadequate funding for schools, matters are getting out of hand.

Teachers Service Commission statistics show a shortage of about 100,000 teachers, but due to lack of funds the numbers cannot be raised.

Compounding the matter is a collapsed system for quality and standards enforcement.

FUNDING PROBLEM

An even excruciating challenge is financing. On paper, the government subsidises secondary education, allocating some 22,000 for every learner annually.

However, in reality, schools hardly get the subvention. Often, the subsidy arrives late and, when disbursed, just a fraction of it is sent to schools. Fees is capped at Sh53,000 a year. Precisely, schools are underfunded.

Thus, the government should tackle the in-school factors that are likely to push many learners out.

It is imperative that the government match its 100 per cent transition policy with sufficient funding and resources to schools.


Rabat : Des milliers de Marocains marchent en solidarité avec le peuple palestinien

Publié le 09.02.2020 à 23h18 par APA

Des milliers de manifestants ont participé, dimanche à Rabat, à une marche nationale pour réitérer leur solidarité avec le peuple palestinien et le soutien constant du Maroc en faveur de la cause palestinienne.Les participants à cette marche organisée à l’appel d’un collectif d’instances politiques, syndicales et d’organisations œuvrant dans le domaine des droits de l’Homme, et à laquelle ont pris part des personnalités du monde politique ont hissé des banderoles affirmant qu’Al Qods est la capitale de la Palestine et réitérant l’engagement du peuple marocain en faveur de la cause juste du peuple palestinien.

Selon le coordinateur du secrétariat du Groupe d’action nationale en faveur de la Palestine, Khalid Sefiani, il s’agit d’une journée historique lors de laquelle le peuple marocain, toutes composantes associatives, syndicales et politiques confondues, réitère son rejet unanime du « Deal du siècle ».

A travers cette marche, le peuple marocain affirme son adhésion à la bataille de libération de la Palestine et de lutte contre toute forme de normalisation, a-t-il noté.

De son côté, l’ambassadeur de Palestine à Rabat, Jamal Choubki a salué cette marche qui réunit le peuple marocain, toutes sensibilités confondues, émet un message selon lequel le Maroc rejette le « Deal du siècle » et soutient la Palestine jusqu’à l’établissement de son Etat indépendant avec Al-Qods comme capitale.

« C’est une journée de la Palestine par excellence, que les Marocains ont marquée par les drapeaux palestiniens et les slogans soutenant la cause palestinienne et défendant Al-Qods », a-t-il souligné, affirmant que « le peuple marocain appuie unanimement cette cause et émet un message qui, ne l’espérons, parviendra au monde entier ».

Dans un communiqué, dont lecture a été donnée par M. Sefiani, l’ensemble des instances ayant convoqué cette marche affirment, leur engagement dans la bataille pour la libération de la Palestine, condamnent fermement le « Deal du siècle ».

Elles ont salué le rejet unanime de ce « Deal » par les Palestiniens, appelant à resserrer les rangs pour contrecarrer ce plan, tout en louant la résistance du peuple palestinien sur l’ensemble de ses territoires.

Affirmant que la position du peuple marocain et « claire et sans équivoque », elles ont souligné que cette marche est le prélude à un programme continu de lutte sur les plans national, régional et international et appelé l’ensemble des composantes du peuple marocain et les forces de la liberté dans le monde à faire preuve de vigilance et à maintenir la mobilisation.


Syrie: 20 civils tués à Idleb, le régime en passe de contrôler une voie clé

Publié le 09.02.2020 à 22h50 par AFP

Au moins 20 civils ont été tués dimanche dans le nord-ouest de la Syrie, où les forces du régime syrien, soutenues par l’aviation russe, sont sur le point de reprendre l’intégralité d’une autoroute stratégique dans la région d’Idleb, dernier bastion sous contrôle jihadiste et rebelle, selon une ONG.

Selon l’Observatoire syrien des droits de l’Homme (OSDH), au moins 14 civils ont été tués dans des raids russes, dont neuf dans le village de Kar Nouran situé dans le sud-ouest de la province d’Alep, près du dernier tronçon de l’autoroute M5 que le régime cherche à reconquérir.

Cinq autres civils ont péri dans des raids aériens du régime, dont quatre dans des barils d’explosifs largués sur la localité d’Atareb, dans l’ouest d’Alep.

Un autre civil a été tué lors d’un tir d’artillerie sur la ville de Jisr al-Choughour, dans le sud de la province d’Idleb, a ajouté l’OSDH.

Ce bilan est le résultat d’une « intensification en début de soirée des frappes aériennes » russes et syriennes axées notamment sur le secteur encore aux mains des jihadistes et rebelles jouxtant l’ultime partie de la M5 qui échappe encore à Damas, a affirmé à l’AFP le directeur de l’OSDH, Rami Abdel Rahmane.

Il s’agit d’un tronçon de la M5 long de deux kilomètres et situé dans l’ouest de la province d’Alep. Cette autoroute relie le sud du pays à la grande ville d’Alep dans le nord, en passant par Damas, deux métropoles aux mains du régime.

« Les forces du régime ont encore avancé sur le terrain dimanche, prenant le contrôle de plusieurs villages » situés près de l’autoroute, a assuré M. Abdel Rahmane.

L’armée a de son côté affirmé dans un communiqué avoir reconquis ces derniers jours « des dizaines de villages et localités » dans le sud d’Idleb et l’ouest d’Alep, s’emparant au total de « 600 km2 ».

Depuis décembre, le régime de Bachar al-Assad, soutenu par l’aviation russe, a lancé une nouvelle offensive dans la région d’Idleb avec en ligne de mire la reconquête de cet axe routier clé.

Un peu plus de la moitié de la province d’Idleb et des secteurs attenants des provinces voisines d’Alep, Hama et Lattaquié, sont toujours dominés par les jihadistes de Hayat Tahrir al-Cham (HTS, ex-branche syrienne d’Al-Qaïda).

La région abrite aussi d’autres groupuscules jihadistes et des groupes rebelles affaiblis.

– Bataille stratégique –

L’armée syrienne dit samedi avoir repris aux jihadistes et rebelles la ville clé de Saraqeb, traversée par la M5, après la reconquête fin janvier de la ville de Maaret al-Noomane, la deuxième plus grande de la province d’Idleb, située également sur la M5.

Dimanche, le gouvernement syrien a approuvé un plan visant à « rétablir progressivement les services (publics) dans les zones libérées (…) des gouvernorats d’Alep et d’Idleb », a rapporté l’agence officielle Sana.

L’opération militaire lancée à la mi-décembre par le régime a tué plus de 300 civils selon l’OSDH, et provoqué l’exode de 586.000 civils, d’après l’ONU.

L’avancée des forces du régime suscite le courroux de la Turquie qui avait convenu en septembre 2018 avec la Russie de créer une « zone démilitarisée » sous contrôle russo-turc dans cette région.

Depuis vendredi, 350 véhicules turcs ont franchi la frontière syro-turque en direction d’Idleb, selon l’agence de presse étatique turque Anadolu.

Pour le régime syrien, le front de la région d’Idleb représente la dernière grande bataille stratégique: Damas contrôle désormais plus de 70% du territoire national, selon l’OSDH.

Le conflit en Syrie a fait plus de 380.000 morts depuis 2011 et jeté sur la route de l’exil plus de la moitié de la population d’avant-guerre.


Death of a child is one too many; entrench safety code in schools

By JOSEPH MWENDA

The demise of 14 pupils in last week’s tragedy at Kakamega Primary School was one death too many, as these children had aspirations, dreams and hopes for themselves and their families.

Disasters and other emergencies can happen at any time, and when they happen at school, everybody should be prepared to handle them safely and effectively.

Administrators, teachers, staff, parents and students can together promote and maintain school-wide safety and minimise the effects of emergencies and other situations.

School is considered one of the safest for students besides their homes. They spend a considerable amount of their lifetime in schools and, therefore, consider it as their second home.

Kenya has witnessed many deaths of students in schools — St Kizito, Kyanguli, Precious Talents, among others. The Education ministry has developed safety manuals, especially for boarding schools.

DISASTER MANAGEMENT

But are teachers and other staff trained in disaster preparedness? Do we have regular drills to help the students and teachers to respond accordingly?

Are we too focused on academic excellence at the expense of preparedness for any eventuality?

The Quality Assurance and Standards Division at the ministry ought to ensure that the safety of children in schools is upheld.

County governments, too, need to fortify their disaster management departments to respond swiftly to emergencies. The society should be sensitised on how to respond to disasters.

It was disheartening to see images of dead children being circulated on social media. This is the lowest form of dehumanising a person.

In well-ordered societies, this is unacceptable and the perpetrators are culpable.

As part of disaster preparedness in schools, the essential things to consider include, first and foremost, the buildings.

DESIGN TIPS

The Kakamega incident exposed the danger posed by high-rise storeys and narrow exits.

Competition for space with limited land must have informed the building design but that should not compromise the safety of the children.

Secondly, ensure safety in all parts of the school. Thirdly, designate an assembly point that is known by all, for accounting for everyone after a disaster. Fourthly, ensure drills and regular checks on First Aid preparedness by teachers and students.

The students and teachers also need to be helped with recovery from the loss of their colleagues through counselling

Lastly, good communication is essential for any disaster preparedness strategy. Information should be coordinated and figures validated.

In the era of social media, information is easily distorted, hence the need for a real-time update from a communication command centre to avoid misinformation and panic.


How to take FGM law from paper to practice

DAVID MACDONALDBy DAVID MACDONALD
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It’s not as easy as it sounds is usually one of the first responses I get when I ask why the female genital mutilation (FGM) law has not been implemented. And understandably so.

Recently, a 12-year-old girl died in Egypt after being subjected to FGM, yet the practice was criminalised in the country in 2008.

FGM is prohibited in at least 28 African countries, six with separate statutes or policies against the female ‘cut’ and other harmful practice, but mostly inadequate and seldom enforced.

In countries such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Central African Republic and Uganda, the enforcement of these laws has often resulted in pushing the practice underground and across borders to avoid prosecution.

For instance, strong legislation in Uganda is undermined by women crossing or being taken across the border into Kenya to undergo FGM.

DESIRE TO DOMINATE

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In Egypt, FGM has now been medicalised; it is performed by medical professionals. Some 1.5 million girls and women are cut by healthcare providers — 1.2 million of them doctors — as was the case with the girl, who, reports say, was taken to the medic by her parents.

At least 200 million girls and women alive today have undergone a form of FGM, and 15 million more girls aged 15-19 could be subjected to it by 2030.

Among the many myths surrounding FGM is that it’s a religious rite of passage. It’s a cultural tradition practised by communities of different faiths.

The female ‘cut’ has its roots in the sexism and gender inequality of strict patriarchal societies.

It’s born of a perceived need to control women’s sexual freedom; to make ‘pure’ and well-behaved daughters and wives of them.

Even where it’s illegal, a girl who hasn’t been ‘initiated’ may face stigma. In many contexts, it’s essential for marriage.

GIVE PEOPLE VOICE

Ending FGM is an arduous task. But times are changing. Girls are learning increasingly more about the law, their rights and their bodies.

Advocates and activists in the affected countries are boldly speaking out, spreading awareness of its harmful effects and encouraging new rituals.

Enacting laws alone will do little to end the practice. It requires persuading families, communities and religious leaders that it is not a necessary part of a girl’s coming of age and that, ultimately, it will no longer be accepted or tolerated.

A key element to this approach is to give young people a voice in this process, to involve, particularly girls, and empower them to claim their rights to a safer, more fulfilling life.

In the bygone days, genital cutting was an initiation rite for girls, to prepare them for their future. It’s now controversial and, hence discreet.

The victims are getting younger, making them less likely to discuss it. We need to empower girls to challenge the discrimination.

RIGHTS ABUSE

FGM also has lasting physical and mental consequences. ‘Cutting’ is a violation of children’s rights: to physical integrity and good health, and freedom to make choices, and even the right to be educated.

It is imperative that we keep pushing, lobbying, advocating and, most importantly, empowering girls and young women to call out FGM.

It will then be easier to push for the implementation of the law.

Mr MacDonald is Plan International’s director, North and East Africa. [email protected]


End of Moi era revamped justice but slip back to dark days looms

KALTUM GUYOBy KALTUM GUYO
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I had a heated argument with a group of young Kenyan undergraduate law students in their final year on whether international law is superior to the Constitution of Kenya.

They were of the view that Kenyan law is Supreme and its decision final.

My opinion was — and still is — that international law can override a country’s decision if it is felt non-derogable international norms were being breached and the rights of the citizens impinged upon.

It is easy to mistake the ‘supremacy’ of the law for the sovereignty of a country. Supremacy is a consensus on how and when and which laws a society prescribes as supreme.

But that does not mean supremacy of the law cannot be challenged if it interferes with individual rights under international law.

Sovereignty is the power given to an independent state to govern itself.

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POLICE STATE

The current Constitution, when it was promulgated in 2010, came on the back of a lawless period in Kenya — from independence in 1963 up to the end of the one-party rule in 2002.

Then, the Constitution was a rehash of the colonial laws — an emergency law used by white settlers to brutally subjugate Africans in Kenya.

It was indigenised after independence but most of its unsavoury aspects were preserved for use by the African-led government on its own people.

Its impact was evident in the way the local provincial administration and security agencies operated. So much power was concentrated in their hands that, unsurprisingly, Kenya was regarded as a police state.

Presidential power had a top-down approach. The office holder wielded immense and absolute power and what he said went.

One could not tell where executive powers began and the Judiciary’s ended.

PATRONAGE CULTURE

The blurred lines between the Executive, Judiciary and Legislature led to untold suffering and an immeasurable sense of miscarriage of justice, as the decision in the three arms of government were rarely taken independently but dependent upon presidential decree, even if it led to human rights violations.

An all-powerful president meant judges and magistrates were never far from giving biased judgments since a dissenting judicial view meant an on-the-spot sacking with no recourse.

Roadside hiring and firing of state, judicial and other public officials, who failed to toe the line, led to an erosion of standards and encouraged a self-destructing patronage culture.

Impunity, which was the hallmark of the pre-2010 governments, showed how and what can happen without constitutionalism.

The Constitution then was only worth the paper it was written on. It could not be interrogated or challenged as there were limited ways of doing so.

CONSTITUTIONALISM

Hence a president, with the Legislature under his thumb, could enact laws overnight and get the Judiciary to enforce them whether they were in acquiescence or not.

Kenya has come away from those dark days. The current Constitution is gradually entrenching constitutionalism.

An ordinary person has the confidence to demand their constitutional rights in court.

The Constitution has been instrumental in restructuring our court system in a way that offers solid rungs within the justice system, where the Constitution can be interrogated step by step in the public interest.

The establishment of the Supreme Court was one such positive move. It has not been free of criticism; nonetheless, its crucial role in being the last arbiter and defender of the Constitution and constitutionalism cannot be overemphasised.

The historic nullification of the 2017 presidential election results is a key success for the Supreme Court and has become a positive example across Africa and the world.

RULE OF LAW

The distinct powers of the three arms of government — Executive, Legislature and Judiciary — are very important in establishing the independence of every one of them.

They may all play crucial roles in advancing democracy, but the Judiciary has an even more important role — that of making sure that no individual or government authority acts outside the remit of the law.

Constitutionalism is not about who has which power but how that power is exercised within the law for the interest of the citizens.

It is by respecting court rulings determined within the law that constitutionalism can thrive.

The rule of law is the heartbeat of constitutionalism: no government authority should operate outside the law and to do so is tantamount to impunity.

Value- and rights-based constitutionalism is the foundation of any law-abiding and prosperous state.

However, there is a threat to constitutionalism, which is coming through in how the Executive is showing disregard for court orders.

Kenya can only wean itself of impunity by respecting the rule of law, immersing itself in constitutionalism and respecting court decisions.


Moi is gone and Nyayo era past tense, but the impunity lives on

TIM WANYONYIBy TIM WANYONYI
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In the biography Moi: The Making of an African Statesman, Andrew Morton traces the life and career of Kenya’s longest-serving leader.

The overriding theme of the book is to challenge widespread accusations that President Daniel arap Moi was a dictator who oversaw looting of public resources and rights abuse.

Morton writes about an analogy Moi narrated to him that may explain why his tenure was such a disaster.

Of his ministers and others around him, he said: “They are like a balloon. You inflate it with air and then just a small pin prick and it goes burst.”

And Moi burst Kenya in many ways. The financial looting that brought the economy to its knees in his last years in office, grabbing of public land that was detrimental to the environment and institutions, and widespread human rights abuses that broke many families are some of them.

To understand the disastrous effect on Kenya of Moi’s rule, read the several official reports, some of which he commissioned, in a ploy to deflate public pressure. They include the Kiliku and Akiwumi reports on ethnic violence, done during his tenure.

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REPORT DISMISSED

As the political pluralism struggle intensified, Moi ominously warned that it would bring chaos.

As if to fulfil his prophesy, bands of warriors sponsored by Kanu politicians roamed the villages burning homes, killing and maiming men, women and children.

Torture chambers set up in the basement of Nyayo House, Nairobi, ruthlessly dealt with Moi’s middle-class opponents like university lecturers and students, journalists and politicians. Many were killed.

The Kiliku and Akiwumi reports bare all. Kennedy Kiliku, then the Changamwe MP, chaired a parliamentary committee to inquire into the pre-1992 election violence mostly in and around the Rift Valley.

The team heard testimony that senior Moi henchmen had financed groups of “warriors” to cause inter-tribal violence at rallies in 1991.

The committee’s report recommended that the inciters be investigated further, but Parliament, under the heavy influence of Kanu’s deep state, threw it out as being “shallow, malicious and inadequate”.

POST-VOTE CHAOS

Nobody was held accountable for the suffering of thousands of Kenyans. Little wonder that the same perpetrators returned with a vengeance in the 1997 elections.

After the elections in 1998, Moi appointed a Judicial Commission to Inquire into Tribal Clashes chaired by Mr Justice Akilano M. Akiwumi.

I reported its proceedings for the Daily Nation when it came to Eldoret, the hub of North Rift. Witnesses narrated the impunity of the warriors who operated as police watched.

The recommendations of the report also came to naught. In fact, it was not released to the public until 2002, following a court order. It called for prosecutions of the same suspects as in the Kiliku report.

It is this impunity that set up the mother of all chaos after the 2007 elections. The International Criminal Court intervened for those seen to have been most culpable among the ‘big fish’.

It ended in all of them evading justice after a ruthless campaign of threats and murder of witnesses. The ‘small fish’, too, still roam free.

KIBAKI SCANDALS

Kenyans had hoped that the impunity Moi had entrenched for 24 years would end with the election of Mwai Kibaki in 2002.

Kibaki commissioned the Kroll report, “The Looting of Kenya”, and the Ndung’u report on the illegal allocation of public land.

Kroll revealed that Moi stole billions of dollars in public funds using a “web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen” and secreted the loot in 30 countries, and his “relatives and associates siphoned off more than a billion dollars of government money”.

But Kibaki did not act on the report. The loot was never recovered or anyone prosecuted.

In 2004, the Kibaki regime also suffered a credibility blow when the president’s key allies were implicated in the Anglo Leasing scandal.

None of the recommendations of these reports were ever implemented. Moi (and Nyayo) is gone but the impunity of his tenure continues to ravage us.