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Thursday, January 9th, 2020

 

CEI locales: le Rhdp «ultra dominateur avec plus de 96% de présence» (Affi)

Publié le 10.01.2020 à 01h18 par APA

Le Rassemblement des Houphouetistes pour la démocratie et la paix (Rhdp, pouvoir) est « ultra dominateur avec plus de 96% de présence » dans les Commissions locales de la Commission électorale indépendante (CEI), a dénoncé jeudi Affi Nguessan, le président du Front populaire ivoirien (FPI), le parti de Laurent Gbagbo.M. Affi, représentant l’Alliance des Forces démocratiques (AFD, opposition) s’exprimait à l’occasion de la reprise du dialogue politique entre le gouvernement et l’opposition devant consacrer un nouveau Code électoral. 

L’AFD,  dira-t-il, a marqué dans les débats des « réserves » et ses observations, déplorant que le fait que le Rhdp, le parti au pouvoir, soit «ultra dominateur avec plus de 96% de présence » dan les commissions locales de la CEI, ainsi que « plus de 96% des secrétariats des commissions locales à travers l’administration » électorale.

Il a fait observer que « même dans un tiers des commissions locales  (de la CEI), le Rhdp est seul avec la présidence, le secrétariat technique et la vice-présidence », une situation qui ne peut « pas concourir à la transparence des élections » présidentielles d’octobre 2020.

Concernant le Code électoral, il a soulevé une dizaines de questions, entre autres, le problème de la Carte nationale d’identité, le mode de vote, le rôle impartial de la CEI, avant de proposer l’usage de la biométrie et du vote électronique.

Le Premier ministre, chargé du Budget et du portefeuille de l’Etat, Amadou Gon Coulibaly, a souhaité la mise en place d’un Comité restreint qui au bout de quatre séances de travail, devrait produire un protocole d’accord qui sera entériné par les parties « dans la première semaine de février au plus tard».

Pour sa part, Adama Bictogo, directeur exécutif du parti unifié Rhdp, s’est félicité de ce que toutes les parties aient répondu à cette séance marquant la reprise du dialogue gouvernement-opposition sur le processus électoral. La première phase du dialogue s’était déroulée du 24 janvier au 26 juin 2019. 

La prochaine réunion entre le gouvernement et les regroupements des partis de l’opposition est prévue le mercredi prochain à 15h GMT (heure locale). Le Parti démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire  (Pdci), tête de file de l’opposition, et EDS mouvement politique  proche de M. Gbagbo, annonce pour un vendredi une conférence de presse afin de donner son avis sur le processus électoral. 


Rapatriement de la dépouille mortelle de Wattao à Abidjan le 2 février 2020

Publié le 10.01.2020 à 01h18 par APA

Décédé le dimanche 5 janvier dernier à New Jersey, aux États-Unis, la dépouille mortelle du colonel-major ivoirien Issiaka Ouattara dit Wattao, devrait être rapatriée à Abidjan le 2 février 2020, selon le programme officiel des obsèques dont APA a reçu copie.Le programme officiel des obsèques du colonel-major Issiaka Ouattara indique le dimanche 02 février 2020 pour l’ «arrivée et accueil de la dépouille mortelle à l’aéroport Félix Houphouët-Boigny d’Abidjan Port-Bouët », dans le Sud d’Abidjan.  

Le mercredi 05 février 2020, soit trois jours après le rapatriement du corps, il est prévue la levée du corps à Ivosep Treichville suivie d’une veillée-hommage à Abidjan. Le lendemain, 06 février 2020, a lieu le transfert de la dépouille au village du défunt, à Doropo, plus une veillée-hommage. 

Quant à l’inhumation, elle aura lieu « dans l’intimité familiale au cimetière de Doropo », dans le nord-est de la Côte d’Ivoire, sa terre natale, le vendredi 07 février 2020, mentionne le programme officiel des obsèques de Wattao, un ex-chef de l’ex-rébellion des Forces nouvelles (FN). 


Address violence on teachers over exams

EDITORIALBy EDITORIAL
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The killing of a teacher in Kitui County, allegedly over poor performance of a school in last year’s Kenya Certificate of Primary Education, marks a dark chapter in the education sector.

Coming after cases of violence against teachers in Kakamega, Taita-Taveta and Homa Bay counties, it shows teachers face existential threats arising from their professional calling.

In the Kitui case, the teacher, Ms Daisy Mbathe, who taught at Ndooni Primary School, was assaulted by unruly parents, who mercilessly tortured and burnt her to death.

This is crude, primitive and criminal. For the other cases, teachers were viciously attacked and hounded out of schools by parents who never gave a thought to the real cause of poor performance of their children.

Teachers have a noble obligation not just to teach but prepare learners to excel in examinations.

RESPONSIBILITY

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Parents, communities and society at large have expectations of schools and teachers. But things are never straight.

Not all learners have the aptitude to pass exams. All schools do not operate at the same level for various reasons, including incredibly poor teaching and learning resources and, in some instances, irresponsible and unsupportive parents.

Many schools are poorly managed because the headteachers are incompetent and rudderless.

But at times it is due to disruptive parents, meddlesome boards of management and hostile communities. But there are ways of dealing with such indiscretions.

Education is everybody’s responsibility. When parents or communities realise lapses in a school, it is incumbent them to take up the matter with the BoM, which is expected to report to the local education authorities.

Provincial administration, which is represented in the board, also has process of escalating such matters and seeking recourse.

But where were these parents all along? What had they done to stem the decline in the schools? What facilitative role have they played to enhance excellence?

When we reach a situation where parents take the law into their hands and visit terror on teachers over poor performance in exams, then something has gone awfully wrong.

We demand harsh punishment for those implicated in the heinous offences.

Broadly, we need national debate on education. The fact that parents resort to violence when their children flunk in national exams is a terrible indictment of the education system.

It illustrates a perverted perspective of education. Issues of school management, role of parents and safety standards must be resolved.

The Education and Interior ministries must provide security to teachers. Schools should be made safe for both learners and teachers and intruders dealt with appropriately.


Why Jubilee stands accused

EDITORIALBy EDITORIAL
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Political parties play a pivotal role in the country’s governance.

It is to them that the national and county governments owe their existence. Granted, there are some independents but their impact is minuscule.

It is by strengthening and democratising these units of political mobilisation that it is possible to enhance governance right from the grassroots to the national level.

Parties have their own ideologies and ideally should attract and recruit only members who believe in what they stand for.

In the national and county governments, the parties seek to promote key values and eschew vices.

But again, this is the ideal situation. The reality of our political parties is that they tend to be mere vehicles used by the owners to achieve their personal goals.

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The frequent chaotic nominations have exposed them as organisations that are highly undemocratic and discriminatory.

SONKO SAGA

The raging leadership crisis in Nairobi is a broad indictment of parties.

Being in charge of the most important county that controls the national capital, the Jubilee Party should have taken a keener interest in the goings on following the arraignment of Governor Mike Sonko over graft allegations.

The crisis has been compounded by the Court of Appeal endorsement of a High Court ruling requiring officials facing criminal cases to stay away from their offices until they are cleared.

Now, Mr Sonko, who has for a good two years dilly-dallied over the appointment of his deputy, has nominated someone to fill the vacancy, sparking off varying interpretations of the Court of Appeal ruling.

The crux of the matter is whether such officials are barred from buildings or from exercising the roles of that particular office, which would be more logical.

However, this is where, in the interest of the city residents, the ruling party should play a more significant role.


Procès en destitution de Trump: la chef des démocrates fait durer l’attente

Publié le 09.01.2020 à 22h50 par AFP

Malgré la pression croissante au sein de ses rangs, la chef des démocrates au Congrès américain, Nancy Pelosi, a affirmé jeudi qu’elle n’enverrait au Sénat l’acte d’accusation de Donald Trump, essentiel pour l’ouverture de son procès en destitution, que lorsqu’elle serait « prête », probablement « bientôt ».

« C’est la plus grande mascarade menée contre le gouvernement des Etats-Unis », a réagi depuis la Maison Blanche Donald Trump, qui clame son innocence depuis les débuts de l’affaire ukrainienne.

Républicains et démocrates sont engagés dans un bras de fer depuis la mise en accusation, votée fin décembre par la majorité démocrate de la Chambre des représentants, du président américain pour « abus de pouvoir » et « entrave à la bonne marche du Congrès ».

Les démocrates l’accusent d’avoir abusé de son pouvoir en demandant à l’Ukraine d’enquêter sur Joe Biden, un rival potentiel à la présidentielle de novembre.

Un procès en destitution doit désormais être organisé au Sénat, où les républicains sont majoritaires. Compte tenu du grand soutien dont il dispose dans ses rangs, Donald Trump devrait être acquitté.

Mais Nancy Pelosi, présidente de la Chambre, refuse de transmettre l’acte d’accusation au Sénat tant que les républicains n’auront pas énoncé de cadre « juste » pour la tenue de ce procès, notamment en se mettant d’accord avant son ouverture sur les témoins qui seront convoqués.

Le chef de la majorité républicaine au Sénat, Mitch McConnell, l’accuse d’être « hypocrite » car elle retarde une procédure dont les démocrates ont proclamé qu’elle était urgente. Il affirme que les témoins pourront être choisis ultérieurement.

Alors que plusieurs élus démocrates commençaient jeudi à s’impatienter publiquement, Nancy Pelosi a déclaré qu’elle finirait par transmettre l’acte d’accusation:

« Je ne vais pas le retenir indéfiniment. Je l’enverrai quand je serai prête et cela sera probablement bientôt », a-t-elle lancé en conférence de presse.


L’Ivoirien Mathieu Kadio-Morokro, un magnat du pétrole, livre sa success story entrepreneuriale

Publié le 09.01.2020 à 22h18 par APA

L’Ivoirien Mathieu Kadio-Morokro, un magnat du pétrole, aujourd’hui Président du Conseil d’administration du groupe Pétro Ivoire, qu’il a fondé, décide de livrer sa success story entrepreneuriale à travers le livre-biographique intitulé « Jusqu’au bout du rêve ».Dans cet ouvrage « Jusqu’au bout du rêve », écrit par deux journalistes ivoiriens de renom, Agnès Kraidy et Zio Moussa, ceux-ci racontent l’histoire inspirante d’un homme qui par sa détermination et le courage, s’est imposé dans un environnement dominé par les multinationales.

Ingénieur diplômé en physique-chimie, Mathieu Kadio-Morokro, a, après une spécialisation en France eu ses premiers contacts avec le géant pétrolier Shell, où il mène une brillante carrière en tant que cadre.  

Avec le temps, il se rend compte qu’il ne peut gravir tous les échelons de cette entreprise. Un jour un ami Ghanéen lui dit ouvertement qu’il ne peut pas être PDG de Shell qui est une multinationale, et que rien ne l’empêche de monter sa propre affaire.

Le déclic part de là. Conscient que son ambition ne pouvait plus se développer dans cette entreprise, il décide d’arrêter avec le groupe, alors qu’il gagnait très bien sa vie dans cette multinationale où il a eu à occuper les fonctions de directeur commercial et directeur des opérations.

L’on le taxait de « rêveur et d’utopiste », dit-il. Il négocie son départ de Shell pour 45 millions de FCFA et obtient dans les discussions le droit de conserver sa voiture de fonction. Avec cette indemnité et l’apport de certains amis, il obtient un agrément.

Esprit subtile et doué, il bâtit un groupe industriel devenu aujourd’hui un empire de l’or noir. Dans une société où le respect s’obtient de haute lutte par le travail, il porte tout l’honneur de son Abengourou natal (Est ivoirien).

Descendant de prince, il a d’abord compté sur ses capacités. Ce qui va lui valoir de survoler avec une aisance particulière les années du collège avant d’atterrir au milieu des caïmans, nom donné aux génies du lycée classique d’Abidjan, regroupant des jeunes à fort quotient intellectuel.

Il sort excellent de cette génération de génie dans les années 60, où son chemin se croise avec Kablan Duncan, l’actuel vice-président de la Côte d’Ivoire, Laurent Gbagbo, ancien président de la Côte d’Ivoire et Charles Konan Banny, ancien gouverneur de la Banque centrale des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Bceao). 

M. Duncan, un ancien condisciple du lycée classique, s’est félicité que son entreprise créée en 94, s’est en 25 ans hissé dans le secteur pétrolier en Côte d’Ivoire, dominé par les multinationales. Pétro Ivoire se classe troisième dans le pays après Total et Shell.

Son entreprise est depuis dix ans conduite par Sébastien Kadio-Monokro qui en assure la fonction de directeur général. Sans ambages, rapporte-t-il, son père lui a dit que s’il n’était pas à la hauteur, il le remplacerait. Mais, jusqu’à ce jour il tient à la barre. 

« L’avenir ne se décrète pas, il se construit », conseille-t-il tout en invitant la jeunesse de la Cote d’Ivoire à se laisser « féconder par le travail » clé de réussite. Ce qui doit d’ailleurs être leur leitmotiv. Cet ouvrage se veut en outre une « volonté de transmettre aux jeunes générations le culte du travail».


Delocalised teachers, and not only principals, will bridge inequalities

By ODHIAMBO KAUMAH

As the reality of inequalities in the 2019 KCSE examination decompose, emitting the putrid smell of the bandaged injustices in our education system, the systematic marginalisation of the sub-county and county schools is not to be ignored any longer.

The gaps between public schools — national, extra-county, county and sub-county — in terms of material and human institutional infrastructures of curriculum delivery reeks.

To claim our education system is not free from injustice, or rather, that our systems are a demonstration of the effects of those injustices, has metamorphosed into century truisms.

A Pacemaker International analysis shows 61 per cent of candidates from sub-county schools, the majority (51 per cent) in the exam, scored the lowest grade, E.

The oft-praised national schools contributed a paltry four per cent of the candidates but just one per cent of them scored E.

Simply, a sub-county student is 60 times more likely than a national school one to score E. A similar trend is evident between county and extra-county schools.

POOR PERFORMANCE

In a bid to reawaken the potential in the technical and vocational institutions, the education authorities have downplayed the hype for university qualification.

But does it not stink to high heaven that a whole 91 per cent of students from sub-county schools did not qualify for the summit of study?

The concept of justice in education is complex but Reich and Allen, while compiling some of the most prolific essays on the topics education, justice and democracy, simplify it thus:

“Have we succeeded in creating the kind of education that attenuates the well-documented relationship between inherited socioeconomic position and life outcome, and can we do it without levelling but instead raising the education achievements and making the highest peaks accessible to students from all range of social backgrounds?”

Even with the least level of honesty, our response cannot be in the affirmative.

DELOCALISATION

Even worse, transferring a teacher from a national to a sub-county school is ‘demotion’, or vice-versa, and teachers of renowned experience, abilities and certification can only be found in national and extra-county schools.

But you would not want to blame the teacher. Their professional (underdevelopment) experiences, not training, have made teachers for certain levels of schools and not students.

There are several policies with micromanaged implementation strategies.

Nemis took some of the low-achieving pupils to national and extra-county schools and their magical improvement mesmerised the nation.

And now, there is the contentious delocalisation — and, oh, the celebrated promotion of headteachers.

Congratulations, but you can only do so much with the level of teacher quality inequalities you will find in that sub-county school.

Odhiambo Kaumah, TSC-registered teacher, poet and SDG 4 youth advocate. [email protected]


I hope this is the year that will transform the way we do things

MUTUMA MATHIUBy MUTUMA MATHIU
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We have started a month-long period of prayer and fasting in my church.

Of course we are praying for big things — the churches we are going to plant and the souls we are going to win for Jesus — but I can’t help feeling that there are other things that are not at the same level of importance but which, in my view, would make this a smashing year.

I’d really appreciate a change of scenery. Not at the personal level but politically.

Our country has been ruled by the same people, using the same ideas (insincere schemes like reforms, tribes, referendums, big projects, big corruption, dynasties, hustlers …) for long that we are at risk of dying from boredom.

As one of my bosses often points out, if you do the same thing and expect different results, you are crazy.

I am not saying that dynasties are bad, or that hustlers don’t have a right to move from selling chicken feathers to running the country.

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I might be implying it, but I am not saying it. What am I saying?

SERVANT LEADER

Competition always improves the quality of leadership, much in the same way that consultation improves the quality of decision-making.

Politicians don’t do good out of the goodness of their own hearts. Generally, they have no hearts.

They do good as a means to acquiring, and keeping, personal, family, ethnic and class benefits.

I wish a man or woman would come forward, a Fred Matiang’i- or Mukhisa Kituyi-type character with good schooling, an appetite for hard work, personal discipline, stubborn honesty, international connections and respect and the radical ideas to reshape not just our politics — as the ‘hustlers’ would do — but also our society and economy for generations to come.

I wish such a champion would step forward, spit in the dust and challenge the established traditions of Kenyan politics.

For the most brutal and ruthless deals in Kenya are not cut in corporate boardrooms; they are cut in politics.

Our politics, quite simply, is funded through corruption and outright theft of public resources.

Bandits calling themselves “tenderpreneurs” or “business people” finance politicians.

After the election, they partner with the politician to “do deals” and “business” — euphemism for corruption and theft.

DARK FUTURE

The other approach is to loot first, using over-invoiced contracting, tax evasion and other criminal practices and use the funds to buy support across the country.

If this state of affairs does not change, Kenya will never develop. There will not be enough jobs for the youth, many of whom will die with unrealised dreams and potential.

We will never really enjoy a first-class, clean, healthy and wholesome life.

The future will be a nasty place for our children and grandchildren, who will be held captive by those who can steal the most.

We will never have good social services and children will continue to die of preventable causes.

We must change the dynamic. This does not (necessarily) mean getting rid of the dynasties and the hustlers but by introducing a credible threat to their interests and, therefore, forcing them to change their political culture. Getting rid of them is also an option.

This would be a lovely year if Dr Miguna Miguna could find peace and whatever it is he is looking for.

I have nothing to say about his approach to politics, or about him in general.

But I imagine spending so much time at airports can’t be much fun and his struggle must surely keep him away from his law practice and the other things he wishes to achieve.

DELIVER JUSTICE

I wish he could come home, shoot his shot (as we say on Twitter) and either get his revolutions or whatever other outcome he is destined to get.

This would also be a much better year if the Judiciary gets round to jailing a couple of really big thieves — like governors, MPs and senior civil servants.

This would give meaning to this whole business of fight against corruption.

I watched the live coverage of US President Donald J. Trump’s little bit of theatre, responding to Iran firing ballistic missiles at bases housing US troops in Iraq.

He looked scared. He was surrounded by an awkward corp of white men.

Mr Trump has turned America on its head. His protectionist policies will probably revive some dead industries and his challenge to China is certainly not all bad.

I know everyone outside his base (which regards him as a prophet) thinks he is a fool. I hope this is the year Americans get to make up our minds.

I hope that this is the year that the British — permanently — quit whining about the European Union and exit, so that all their plumbers can go back to coming from Glasgow and not Gnask.

When the majority in the UK say they want to leave and elect a government on a Brexit platform, who are we to say they are wrong?

If you see a toad during the day, something must be after its life.

I hope the fires in Australia are finally doused. I hope the animals and plants will recover.

Would it not be nice if we could all have a wonderful year?


Let’s tackle graft causes, not symptoms

TWALIB MBARAKBy TWALIB MBARAK
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This week marks the first anniversary of my appointment to the helm of the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission.

I undertook a commitment to the public that the EACC will be firm on corruption and that it will be expensive to be corrupt in Kenya.

Many Kenyans are of the opinion that nothing much has been done in the fight against corruption. More so, the country is perceived globally to be one of the most corrupt.

This concern is genuine and there is more to be done for Kenya to be corruption-free. However, we appear to be fighting the symptoms, rather than causes, of graft.

Corruption in Kenya can be divided into three main components, with the third one being more controversial than the other two.

We have grand corruption, usually perpetrated by the powerful individuals who may be politically connected or wealthy and influential.

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Grand corruption is lethal but indirectly felt. This includes poorly constructed roads or other substandard public projects that look fine in a short period but start crumbling soon after.

PUBLIC TRUST

Indirectly, many poor countries are paying heavy external debts for services that were not to the full benefit of the citizens due to grand corruption.

Then we have the petty corruption perpetrated by junior citizens, mainly in the public service.

This is openly felt by the citizens — such as harassed of a citizen by police or delayed delivery of relevant services like medical services and issuance of the national identity card.

The third type is the most lethal and is what fuels both grand and petty corruption: political corruption. This is the foundation of corruption.

It is said that many people around the globe — including the most democratic countries, such as India and Brazil — don’t trust their governments.

In Africa, many citizens tend to trust the clergy and the media rather than senior government officials.

POLITICAL GRAFT

Unfortunately, the root cause of political corruption is the public.

We are all up in arms that county governments are corrupt, and the perception out in public is that it is not whether counties are corrupt or not but how deep they are in corrupt activities.

The most unfortunate factor in Kenya is that all county leaderships came to office through the people’s mandate.

They didn’t fall from the skies. It is our choice — not based on performance but other factors such as handouts, ethnic inclination and party waves — that brought these people to power.

Political corruption has created massive poverty, leading to a population that is easily manipulated through petty handouts and the peddling of artificial tribal mistrust.

Government enforcement agencies mandated to fight corruption are trying their best. The multiagency team comprising NIS, EACC, DCI, ODPP, CBK, KRA and others has strengthen its grip on the fight against corruption.

ASSET RECOVERY

Corruption is mostly felt at enforcement level — taking a suspected corrupt official to court.

But the real causes of corruption appear to have spread in all aspects of our lives.

A parent is ready to buy leaked test papers for his child to pass an examination, a motorist is ready to breach traffic rules since he can bribe a traffic police officer and get away with the offence.

We no longer have merit in employment; one has to ‘know’ someone. We use fake academic certificates to vie for political positions. Kenyans believe nothing moves unless you bribe or use influence.

The key mandate of the EACC is to combat corruption by enforcement, prevention and education but it is now also focusing on asset tracing and recovery — a punitive and preventive approach.

It is tracing, restraining, recovering and returning corruptly acquired assets to the public. Recovery of corruptly acquired assets sends a strong message to the culprits.

OVERHAUL LAWS

Previously, corrupt public officials would openly brag about amassing illegally acquired wealth. The public would even glorify them. But this seems to be fading away.

Last year, it recovered assets worth Sh22.56 billion and, through disruption, averted the loss of Sh135 billion from several dubious contracts or tenders that were almost being awarded.

As Kenyans, we must profile the real causes of corruption and confront them head-on. We must overhaul the anti-corruption laws that appear too lenient and ambiguous.

Famed Singaporean prime minister Lee Kuan Yew asserted that no country could win the war against corruption with ‘velvet’ (soft) laws.

While the responsibility of fighting corruption falls squarely on the enforcement agencies, the success in addressing the root causes lies squarely on the public.


Tribute to critical readers who keep journalists on their toes

PETER MWAURABy PETER MWAURA
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It was 20 minutes past one o’clock when Wilson Kago called on November 19 last year to complain.

“Mr Editor,” he said, “my nephew got 421 marks in the just concluded KCPE and his name is not among those listed (in today’s paper) with the same score. Why?”

I could not find an editor with a ready-made answer that could satisfy the sceptical complainant, apart from the explanation that there were so many of them they could not accommodate everybody.

Never before has there been in Kenya such media consumers like Mr Kago. They are so active, empowered, questioning, critical and fault-finding, even sometimes censorious.

Today’s media consumers exercise some degree of power in the journalism process.

Today, I’m celebrating those readers like Mr Kago who aid the public editor’s efforts to keep our journalism honest and transparent.

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RELATIONSHIPS

They challenge and find fault with some of the news we publish and are amazingly media literate and prolific in their criticisms and critiques.

Mr Kago’s criticisms, for example, total 19 received by telephone since March 16, 2015 to date. They range from the way the Daily Nation covered a gay wedding to the use of multiple pictures of a politician in the same issue.

It’s invidious to single out Mr Kago for mention because there are many others like him who participate critically in our journalism process.

But I’ve picked his name randomly. I’ll mention a few of them, again randomly.

But before I do that it’s important to emphasise why I’m celebrating Mr Kago and other reader-critics. It’s all because of relationships.

How journalists relate with their readers and audiences is one of the best ways of earning the trust of the public — by being truthful and transparent about their work and respecting the views of readers who seek a sense of ownership, inclusion and accountability in the journalism process.

PROFESSIONALISM

Journalists, editors and the media need to offer opportunities to readers to criticise what they read, hear and see.

They must entertain readers’ criticisms including requests to have errors and mistakes corrected.

As Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel state in their influential book, The Elements of Journalism, “If journalists are truth seekers, it must follow that they be honest and truthful with their audiences, too.”

Back to our readers who keep our journalists and editors on their toes. Because of space limitations, I will mention only two others.

Prof Caxton Muru Muune quickly comes to mind. A transport engineer, he stands out as an area specialist critic and because he pulls no punches.

He does not let journalists say anything that is untrue, unfair or biased on issues regarding public transport safety and related matters.

That is not to say he is always right. He is also quick to congratulate journalists for work well done.

I call him professor. His eloquence and sharp brain bely his bearded and shaggy appearance.

Then there is the one and only Abu Ayman Abusufian of Jamia Mosque in Nairobi.

He does not let our journalists get away with Islamophobia. For example, commenting on the January 25, 2019 special edition of the NTV Sasa show hosted by Salim Swaleh and Jane Ngoiri to discuss the Dusit Hotel complex terrorist attack, he said security expert Simiyu Werunga said things that had the potential to foster animosity and prejudice against Muslims and members of the Somali community.

“Because of its influential role, the media should be at the frontline to rally Kenyans to strongly safeguard the country’s diverse religious and cohesive structure and avoid being used as a platform for promoting ethnic and religious hatred among Kenyans.”

Messrs Kago, Muune and Abusufian and readers like them help to keep our editors and journalists transparent and truthful.