Main Menu

Tuesday, December 10th, 2019

 

Hotels hit by floods after Ewaso Nyiro bursts banks

WAWERU WAIRIMUBy WAWERU WAIRIMU
More by this Author

Five hotels and lodges Samburu and Isiolo counties have been flooded after River Ewaso Nyiro burst its banks Tuesday, forcing scores of tourists to be moved elsewhere.

The hotels are Intrated Safari Lodge, Asnil Lodges, Larsens Camp, Elephant Bedroom and Sarova Shaba Lodges. Samburu County Commissioner John Korir said all the staff and guests have been evacuated from the hotels and taken to safer areas.

“Five hotels along the river have been hit by floods but we are glad that there was no loss of life or injuries,” Mr Korir told the Nation on phone.

The value of property destroyed by the raging waters is however yet to be established, he added.

The administrator appealed to local residents to avoid crossing flooded rivers to prevent loss of lives and destruction of properties.

His Isiolo Counterpart Joseph Kanyiri warned locals against crossing Gotu bridge at Archers Post until the water levels subside.

Advertisement

“Drivers and residents should not dare the raging waters flowing above the bridge to avoid accidents and lose of lives,” he said. Mr Kanyiri also appealed to residents at Ngaremara and Iresaboru areas affected by floods to move to higher and safer grounds.

“We will continue to sensitise our people on the precautionary measures to take,” Mr Kanyiri noted.

Samburu County security team will tomorrow morning tour the affected hotels to assess the situation.

“We will visit the areas and assess the roads and damages caused,” Mr Korir said. 


Le Graët: « Quasiment » aucune chance d’organiser Algérie-France en 2020


La crisis de refugiados en Venezuela pronto será la más grande y con menos fondos en la historia moderna

Dany Bahar y Meagan DooleyLunes, 9 de diciembre, 2019

La crisis de refugiados venezolanos está a punto de superar la escala de la crisis siria.

Para finales del 2019, 4 años después del comienzo de la crisis humanitaria venezolana, 4.6 millones de venezolanos han huido del país, alrededor del 16 por ciento de la población. La cifra es sumamente similar a los 4,8 millones de personas que habían huido de Siria en 2015, 4 años después de la crisis del desplazamiento forzado masivo allí. Como muestra la Figura 1, la crisis de refugiados venezolanos es una de las más grandes en la historia moderna, y si las tendencias actuales continúan, podría haber hasta 6.5 millones de venezolanos viviendo fuera del país para 2020 (según las estimaciones del ACNUR), superando ampliamente la velocidad del desplazamiento observado en Siria. En trabajos anteriores, mostramos que los números podrían ser significativamente más altos si la crisis humanitaria en Venezuela continúa empeorando, llegando a más de 8 millones.

A diferencia de otras crisis de refugiados, la venezolana no es el resultado de una guerra o conflicto convencional. Pero las condiciones que enfrentan los venezolanos a diario no son muy diferentes a las de una zona de guerra activa. Desde 2013, la economía venezolana se ha contraído en un 65 por ciento. Los únicos casos comparables a una recesión tan grande son países en conflicto activo, como Liberia durante su sangrienta guerra civil, que perdió el 90 por ciento de su PIB. Pero el colapso económico venezolano, que precedió a las sanciones internacionales, se destaca porque no fue provocado por fuerzas externas o disturbios internos: fue fabricado por aquellos en el poder y, por lo tanto, totalmente evitable.

Esto ha resultado en una de las peores crisis humanitarias que este hemisferio haya visto. La FAO estima que la tasa de desnutrición se ha cuadruplicado desde 2012, y la ONU estima que la vida de 300,000 personas está en riesgo debido al acceso limitado a tratamiento médico y medicamentos que salvan vidas. De hecho, Venezuela se está convirtiendo rápidamente en un estado fallido, si es que ya no lo es. La escasez prolongada de agua y electricidad se ha convertido en la norma, y ​​la violencia generalizada –a menudo llevada a cabo con la complicidad de las fuerzas de seguridad del gobierno— hace del país uno de los más violentos del mundo.

Por lo tanto, aquellos que huyen de Venezuela son refugiados y deberían tener derecho a las protecciones que vienen con ese estatus. Hasta ahora, la mayor parte de las responsabilidades de hospedaje, y por lo tanto los desafíos de integración, han recaído en los vecinos regionales.

Sin embargo, a pesar de la escala masiva de desplazamiento y necesidad humanitaria, las naciones anfitrionas –siendo las tres más grandes Colombia, Ecuador y Perú—han recibido muy poco apoyo de la comunidad internacional en comparación con otros episodios históricos de desplazamiento forzado. En respuesta a la crisis siria, por ejemplo, la comunidad internacional movilizó grandes sumas de capitales: $ 7,4 mil millones en esfuerzos de respuesta a refugiados en los primeros 4 años. La financiación para la crisis venezolana no ha seguido el mismo ritmo: a 4 años de la crisis, la comunidad internacional ha donado solamente $ 580 millones. En términos per cápita, esto se traduce en $ 1,500 por refugiado sirio y $ 125 por refugiado venezolano.

En noviembre de 2019, el ACNUR y la OIM presentaron un llamamiento regional de $ 1.35 mil millones para la respuesta de los refugiados venezolanos en 2020. El llamamiento incluye fondos para ayuda humanitaria, así como esfuerzos de inclusión social y económica a largo plazo. Este es un paso positivo hacia un enfoque regional unificado para ayudar a las comunidades receptoras, así como a los refugiados mismos. Sin embargo, incluso si la petición logra total financiamiento (la apelación de 2019, por ejemplo, ha sido financiada solamente en un 52 por ciento), hablamos de un total de $ 2 mil millones después de cinco años de conflicto. La crisis de los refugiados Rohingya alcanzó este nivel de financiación en tan solo dos años, para ayudar a 1,2 millones de personas desplazadas, aproximadamente una cuarta parte de la población de refugiados venezolanos. Incluso, la crisis de refugiados de Sudán del Sur, una crisis conocida también por tener insuficiente financiamiento, recibió el doble de fondos de Venezuela cuatro años después de la crisis.

La financiación es crucial no solo para la provisión de necesidades humanitarias a corto plazo, sino también para inversiones en comunidades de acogida con el fin de exitosamente lograr la integración de refugiados. El financiamiento internacional puede ayudar a reforzar la infraestructura local (hospital, escuelas, carreteras, electricidad) y ampliar el acceso al crédito para las empresas locales, lo que puede ayudar a compensar los posibles efectos negativos en el mercado laboral a corto plazo causados ​​por la afluencia repentina de la oferta laboral. En el caso de América Latina, donde la infraestructura ya está rezagada, estas inversiones son particularmente importantes. Reconociendo esta necesidad crucial, el gobierno colombiano, la mayor nación anfitriona de refugiados venezolanos, dispuso de más de $ 230 millones en líneas de crédito para infraestructura e inversión privada en áreas con alta densidad de refugiados, una política que no ha recibido la atención que merece. En el mismo sentido, el Banco Mundial y el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo han ofrecido financiamiento a los gobiernos anfitriones de migrantes y refugiados venezolanos para ayudar a apoyar la generación de obras públicas en las comunidades receptoras. Sin embargo, dada la escala de desplazamiento, se requerirá mucha más financiación.


Venezuela refugee crisis to become the largest and most underfunded in modern history

Dany Bahar and Meagan Dooley
Monday, December 9, 2019

The Venezuelan refugee crisis is just about to surpass the scale of the Syrian crisis.

As 2019 comes to a close, four years since the start of the Venezuelan humanitarian crisis, 4.6 million Venezuelans have fled the country, about 16 percent of the population. The figure is strikingly similar to the 4.8 million people that had fled Syria by 2015, four years into the massive forced displacement crisis there. As Figure 1 shows, the Venezuelan refugee crisis is one of the largest in modern history, and, if current trends continue, there could be as many as 6.5 million Venezuelans living outside of the country by 2020 (based on estimates from the U.N. Refugee Agency, UNHCR)—far outpacing the speed of displacement seen in Syria. In prior work, we show that the numbers could be significantly higher if the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela continues to worsen, reaching over 8 million.

Unlike other refugee crises, the Venezuelan one is not the result of conventional war or conflict. But the conditions Venezuelans face daily are not much different than those in an active war zone. Since 2013 the Venezuelan economy has contracted by 65 percent, the largest contraction outside of war in 45 years. The only close comparators are countries in active conflict, such as Liberia, which lost 90 percent of its GDP during its bloody civil war. But the Venezuelan economic collapse, which preceded international sanctions, stands out because it was not triggered by external forces or internal unrest: It was manufactured by those in power, and thus, was totally avoidable.

This has resulted in one of the worst humanitarian crises this hemisphere has ever seen. The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization estimates that the undernourishment rate has quadrupled since 2012, and the U.N. estimates that 300,000 people’s lives are at risk due to limited access to medical treatment and lifesaving medications. In fact, Venezuela is quickly becoming a failed state, if it hasn’t become one already. Extended shortages of water and electricity have become the norm, and generalized violence—often carried out with the complicity of government security forces—makes the country one of the most violent in the world.

Thus, those fleeing Venezuela are refugees and should be entitled to the protections that come with that status. So far, the bulk of the hosting responsibilities, and hence integration challenges, have fallen on regional neighbors. Yet, despite the massive scale of displacement and humanitarian need, host nations—the three largest being Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru—have received very little support from the international community compared with other historical displacement episodes. In response to the Syrian crisis, for example, the international community mobilized large capital inflows, spending a cumulative $7.4 billion on refugee response efforts in the first four years. Funding for the Venezuelan crisis has not kept pace; four years into the crisis, the international community has spent just $580 million. On a per capita basis, this translates into $1,500 per Syrian refugee and $125 per Venezuelan refugee.

In November 2019, UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) put out a $1.35 billion regional appeal for the Venezuelan refugee response in 2020. The appeal includes funds for humanitarian relief as well as for long-term social and economic inclusion efforts. This is a positive step toward a unified regional approach that provides for host communities as well as refugees. However, even if fully funded (the 2019 appeal, for instance, remains only 52 percent funded), the new appeal would only bring cumulative funding to $2 billion after five years of conflict. The Rohingya refugee crisis, on the other hand, reached this level of funding within two years, to assist 1.2 million displaced people—about a quarter of the Venezuelan refugee population. Even the South Sudan refugee crisis, also chronically underfunded, had received double Venezuela’s funding four years into the crisis.

Funding is crucial not only for the provision of short-term humanitarian needs, but also for investments in host communities, which promote successful refugee integration efforts. International financing can help bolster local infrastructure (hospital, schools, roads, electricity) and expand access to credit for local firms, both of which can help offset possible short-term negative labor market effects caused by the sudden labor supply inflow. In the case of Latin America, where infrastructure is already lagging behind, these investments are particularly important. Recognizing this crucial need, the Colombian government—the largest Venezuelan hosting nation—launched over $230 million in credit lines for infrastructure and private investment in areas with high refugee density, a policy that has not received the attention it deserves. In the same vein, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank have opened up financing to Venezuelan host governments to help support the additional strain on public works. Yet given the scale of displacement, much more funding will be required.


Guinée : nouvelle marche du FNDC, malgré la médiation du NDI

Publié le 10.12.2019 à 19h18 par APA

Le Front national pour la défense de la Constitution (FNDC) a organisé, mardi à Conakry, une nouvelle manifestation contre un 3ème mandat du président Alpha Condé, malgré une rencontre avec les émissaires du National democratic institute (NDI) dirigés par les anciens présidents Goodluck Jonathan du Nigeria et Nicéphore Soglo du Bénin.Du rondpoint de la Tannerie (commune de Matoto) à l’esplanade du stade du 28 septembre (commune de Dixinn), en passant par le carrefour Concasseur (commune de Ratoma), les opposants à un troisième mandat d’Alpha Condé, s’étaient massivement mobilisés. Vêtus pour la plupart de T-shirts rouges, les manifestants scandaient des slogans hostiles au régime en place.

Parmi eux, Madjoula Diallo tient une pancarte sur laquelle on peut lire : « A bas une nouvelle », « Vive l’alternance », « Alpha dégage ». Diallo dit être déterminé à se battre pour l’alternance en 2020. « On ne va pas baisser les bras tant que le président Alpha Condé n’enterre pas son projet de troisième mandat. On va s’opposer à ce projet jusqu’à la victoire finale », promet-il.

Des véhicules transportant la sonorisation font passer en boucle les chansons « Quitte le pouvoir », « Mon pays va mal », « Alpha Condé devient fou »de l’artiste Tiken Jah Fakoly dopent le rythme des marcheurs.

« Ce combat est africain, ce n’est pas seulement pour la Guinée. Donc nous demandons le soutien de tous les peuples frères de l’Afrique du monde pour dire non au Professeur Condé », lance Ibrahima Sory Cissé, un autre manifestant.

Du haut de leurs capots, les leaders du FNDC qui réunit société civile et acteurs politiques haranguent la foule, visiblement satisfaits de la mobilisation.

Mais peu avant le départ de la marche, les leaders de l’opposition à leur tête Cellou Dalein Diallo, président de l’Union des forces démocratiques de Guinée (UFDG) avaient rencontré les émissaires du National democratic institute (NDI), dirigé par les anciens présidents Goodluck Jonathan du Nigeria et Nicéphore Soglo du Bénin.

Pour le chef de file de l’opposition guinéenne, la présence de ces deux anciens chefs d’Etats devait inspirer Alpha Condé. « Par leur présence, ils prouvent qu’après la présidence, il y a une vie, on a des honneurs, on a de la considération et on a des responsabilités qui sont très exaltantes », a dit Cellou Dalein.

Revenant sur le but de cette rencontre, le leader de l’UFDG a indiqué que ses collègues et lui ont fait part de leurs préoccupations, mais aussi des divergences qui existent entre le pouvoir et l’opposition portant notamment sur le non achèvement du processus des élections locales, la mauvaise organisation des élections et l’affaire du 3e mandat.

Toutefois, il s’est dit optimiste quant aux attentes de l’opposition à l’issue de cette série de rencontres entre la délégation du NDI et les acteurs politiques guinéens.

« Ce sont des oreilles très attentives et je pense qu’ils ne sont pas là seulement en leur noms Ils sont là au nom d’une bonne partie de la communauté internationale et je pense qu’après avoir pris un peu connaissance de la lecture que chacun fait de la situation, ils ne manqueront pas de nous faire des propositions », a souhaité le président de l’UFDG.

Depuis la tenue des élections communales en février 2018, la Guinée traverse une crise due à la non-installation des chefs de quartiers et de districts. A cela s’ajoutent les élections législatives qui devaient se tenir en 2019, mais reportées au 16 février 2020.

Mais la question de l’adoption d’une nouvelle constitution devant permettre au président Alpha Condé de briguer un troisième mandat est venue accentuer la crise politique. Cela a poussé le FNDC à plusieurs manifestations qui font fait  une vingtaine de morts.


Abidjan abrite du 12 au 14 février 2020 un symposium mondial sur le cajou

Publié le 10.12.2019 à 19h18 par APA

La Côte d’Ivoire, premier pays producteur mondial de cajou, abrite du 12 au 14 février 2020 un symposium de la Convention mondiale du cajou, pour la première fois sur le continent africain, un événement couplé avec la 3è édition des Journées nationales des exportateurs du cajou.Ce symposium dont la 6è édition est prévue à Abidjan, du 12 au 14 février 2020, est à sa « première délocalisation sur le continent africain », a dit mardi à la presse Alex Nguettia, vice-président et porte-parole de la Convention mondiale du cajou.

Il se tiendra en collaboration avec le Bureau exécutif de l’Association des exportateurs de cajou de Côte d’Ivoire sous le thème « Quel écosystème durable pour le secteur mondial du cajou ? », et plus de 2 000 participants, a-t-il indiqué.

Selon le vice-président du Groupement des exportateurs et professionnels des produits agricoles et des acteurs de la filière anacarde, Issa Konaté, sont attendus à ce symposium toutes les grandes entreprises et les multinationales de la transformation de la noix brute de cajou.

La Côte d’Ivoire, leader mondial dans la filière, ambitionne de transformer localement au moins 50% de sa production de cajou. Cette plateforme est une opportunité pour l’Etat afin d’attirer des investisseurs dans ce secteur qui touche quelque 2,5 millions de personnes dans le pays.

Avec une production 710 000 tonnes en 2018, la Côte d’Ivoire occupe le premier rang mondial. Cette performance représente 22% de la production mondiale grâce aux efforts de 350 000 producteurs que compte le pays.

Quelque 600 experts et chefs d’entreprises sont attendus de l’Asie,  400 autres participants de l’Europe et du continent Américain. Concernant le continent africain, sont attendus environ 500 participants en provenance des pays producteurs.  

La 5è édition du symposium a eu lieu à Abu Dhabi, aux Émirats Arabes Unis, du 24 au 26 janvier 2019. La rencontre d’Abidjan a été décidée par le Commissariat général de la Convention mondiale du cajou dénommée WCC ou World Cashew Convention. 


Weatherman links hostile climate to cyclone Belna

NATION TEAMBy NATION TEAM
More by this Author

Kenya is experiencing unfavourable weather conditions attributed to a cyclone named Belna in the South Western Indian Ocean, which is indirectly influencing the climate in the country, the Kenya Meteorological Department (KMD) has said.

VISIBILITY

The KMD has also warned of strong winds on the Coast until Friday, December 13, alerting residents and beach-goers to be on the lookout.

“The wind speed over the Indian ocean along the Kenya coastline is 2.5 to 10m/s with wave heights of 0.6 to 1.5 metres,” said KMD Director Stella Aura.

Ms Aura said in a press release yesterday that the region is expected to receive heavy rainfall with moderate visibility during the forecast period.

She however dismissed claims that a cyclone named Belna is headed towards the Kenyan coast, explaining that Kenya’s location along the Equator does not allow it to be hit by the cyclone.

Advertisement

Meanwhile, she said the cyclone was currently influencing the weather over the Coast indirectly, by creating weather conditions favourable to heavy rainfall in the southern parts of Kenya.

“It is moving southwards towards north-western Madagascar. Tropical cyclones do not form within five degrees north and five degrees south of the Equator. Therefore, cyclone Belna cannot hit Kenya but will strongly impact the weather conditions,” she said.

She said the KMD was monitoring the weather conditions and would provide regular updates.

This comes as heavy rains continued to pound parts of the Kenyan Coast, displacing thousands in Kwale and Tana River counties.

The government has now chipped in to support flood victims in Kwale, Tana River and Taita Taveta counties.

 In Taita Taveta, 42 families have been displaced by the floods and the victims are currently camping at Voi Primary School. Governor Granton Samboja has promised to give them land.

The government has promised to support the victims. In Tana River, the State will provide the victims with 1,500 bags of food starting next week, Devolution Chief Administrative Secretary (CAS) Hussein Dado has said.

Speaking in Hola, Tana River County, the CAS noted the government through the department of Devolution had embarked on a floods assessment tour around the country to get a clear picture of the calamity.

“Many people have been affected all over the country and we are concerned. That is why I have been sent here to assess and report the status for proper planning,” he said.

Residents have also been warned to move to higher grounds.

“The rains are yet to pour, we do not want to have statistics of death in Tana River County, therefore let us move faster to higher grounds,” he said.

In Kwale, at least 1,500 households have been displaced by floods in Lunga Lunga sub-county after River Umba burst its banks.

Governor Salim Mvurya said the flooding is as a result of the heavy rains pounding neighbouring Tanzania.

DEVASTATING

Speaking after visiting the families to distribute foodstuffs and bedding together with officials from the Kenya Red Cross, Mr Mvurya said the most affected villages are Kiwegu, Jego, Tsuini and Kasarani.

“We have identified 1,500 households and extended humanitarian assistance by providing them with foodstuffs, bedding and utensils to support their livelihoods,” he said.

Other areas that are prone to flooding in the county are Lemba, Jogoo and Kiss Garage in Ukunda town, Vumbu in Kinondo and Mwangwei in Pongwe Kikoneni.

Lunga Lunga Deputy County Commissioner Josphat Biwott told the Nation that a week ago, the situation was bad, as the floods had destroyed crops in farms.

“It did not rain in the sub-county but the floods were caused by the heavy rains in Usambara mountains in Tanzania, causing River Umba to burst its banks. The farmers are counting losses as water submerged their crops,” he said.

Meanwhile, leaders have urged the national government to give the parts of Coast region that have been affected by the devastating weather equal attention to what is happening in other counties.

Garsen MP Ali Wario claimed the national government was biased in the distribution of food supplies and in offering logistical help in ferrying of food items.

“The government usually gives us small planes when they are distributing food in Tana River. We want big choppers here, like the ones we are seeing being committed elsewhere,” he said, warning of a looming hunger crisis with more than 6,000 cut off from supplies by the floods.

Report by Siago Cece, Lucy Mkanyika, Stephen Oduor and Fadhili Fredrick


Bostwana: accusé de corruption, l’ex-président Khama contre-attaque en justice


La plus jeune cheffe de gouvernement au monde prend ses fonctions en Finlande


Regulate security firms for sake of stability 

PETER MWANGIBy PETER MWANGI
More by this Author

On November 19, the National Assembly annulled the 2019 Private Security (General) Regulations on recommendations by the House Committee on Delegated Legislation. The rules were meant for proper administration of, and giving effect to, the provisions of the 2016 Private Security Regulation Act. The annulment has dealt a blow to the cause for regulation of the private security industry.

RESERVATIONS

Understandably, the action was informed by submissions made by players expressing reservations, particularly on timelines to effect the rules, the inconsistency with the law, the Constitution and other statutes, dearth of training curricula, statutory fees and inadequate engagement in the formulation of the rules. However, the action seems to have missed the counter position advanced by the regulation-making authority, which included the willingness to negotiate the compliance period with stakeholders. Though none of the main players who appeared before the committee called for annulment of the regulations, few renegades in the industry are opposed to regulation.

Enactment of the 2016 Private Security Regulation Act was largely informed by concerns raised against some players who remain averse to upholding professionalism. Such must be the kind former South African President Thabo Mbeki had in mind when he observed that “the security industry cannot be handled simply as an affair of the private sector”.

COMPREHENSIVE

A responsible state should be concerned with the operations of private security. It is regrettable that more than three years after the enactment of the enabling Act, the status quo in the industry remains. It would be far-fetched to expect them to provide independent oversight of their members. That is the void the annulled regulations were meant to fill.

Advertisement

Needless to say, national security stability is likely to be undermined by poorly administered and unprofessional private security providers.

It remains the responsibility of the State to formulate an elaborate and comprehensive framework for regulation with explicit and enforceable sanctions, and to provide requisite legitimacy and entrench respectability, professionalism and accountability in the industry.

INCONSISTENT

As mentioned, there are actors in the industry opposed to statutory regulation, arguing that it would force many firms out of business. Some advance the ideology of free market while others argue that regulation would increase the cost of doing business.

That is self-defeating and counter-productive as they fail to acknowledge that the bottom line of the regulation is to promote operational consistency and raise standards.

Granted, some provisions of the annulled regulations were inconsistent with the enabling Act and other laws, and the set timelines for compliance impracticable to meet. The sooner action is taken to expeditiously rectify the anomalies the better. It shall be necessary to engage key players in the industry to cultivate their concurrence, but remain minded there shall be some incorrigible few still opposed to regulation.

TRANGUILITY

Regulation of this industry would not only be for the sake of security, but also for social tranquillity and stability. We need such environment.

Mr Mwangi, a law enforcement and security management consultant, is the lead partner, Edge Trainers & Consultants. [email protected]