Tuesday, April 17th, 2018
African Parks have been responsible for transforming Malawi’s wildlife in recent years, helping it to emerge as one of Africa’s most complete destinations as the quality of its safaris develops to match the cultural, scenic and adventure experiences already well established. With new initiatives and projects continuing to be announced through 2018, their commitment to Malawi shows no signs of letting up!
Last year the #500 elephants project into Nkhotakota Wildlife Reserve supported by HRH Prince Harry captured the attention of wildlife enthusiasts and conservationists around the world as the largest elephant translocation in human history. But that wasn’t all that African Parks achieved. Alongside the elephants, over 1000 head of game from other species were also moved into Nkhotakota and cheetah were returned to Malawi for the first time in 20 years in Liwonde National Park.
This year, Liwonde has already seen lions re-introduced and there are plans for more lions there and in Majete, plus giraffe for Majete (none of Malawi’s state parks & reserves are currently home to giraffe.)
The Malawi government has also just expanded African Parks’ management of Liwonde National Park to the adjoining Mangochi Forest Reserve, making it the fourth park in Malawi to come under African Parks’ management. Mangochi Forest Reserve is a 320 km2 adjoining forest and water catchment area. Ecologically linked to Liwonde, Mangochi Forest Reserve is critical to the long-term conservation of the entire landscape and expands African Parks’ management by 60% in this area.
The new Robin Pope Safaris camp, Kuthengo opens in Liwonde this month, Nkhotakota’s Bua River Lodge re-opens after an upgrade and under new ownership next month and there are new lodge concessions being finalised across the African Parks’ management areas.
With all these fantastic developments continuing, it’s a really exciting time to be visiting Malawi and witnessing the great strides being made in conservation and with its wildlife experiences.
The Great Rift Valley Lodge was the unlikely setting last Friday for what could pass as the proverbial night of long knives for the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission.
The Public Procurement Oversight Authority, backed by the Treasury, had organised a two-day procurement seminar for the electoral agency’s staff, including its six commissioners, under a routine induction of state agencies on how to stem the huge losses the government was incurring through inflated or contested contracts leading to compensation claims.
When the official business was done, chairman Wafula Chebukati invited the five commissioners to a caucus on the crisis at the IEBC prompted by the forced leave of chief executive officer Ezra Chiloba.
This was the first time Mr Chebukati was coming face to face with his deputy Ms Connie Nkatha Maina, and commissioner Dr Paul Kurgat – who had both walked out of a meeting last week in which he and commissioners Prof Abdi Yakub Guliye and Boya Molu had voted to send Mr Chiloba on a three-month compulsory leave over 2017 election tenders.
The decision to send Mr Chiloba home was made on April 6, when Commissioner Margaret Mwachanya was in Dubai on official duty. Ms Nkatha and Dr Kurgat openly questioned Mr Chebukati’s decision. In the view of one commissioner, the chat was to help heal the seething anger but this was not to be.
The room was all set: Mr Chebukati was furious that his decision had been questioned, Ms Nkatha and Dr Kurgat were agitated by the rushed decision while Ms Mwachanya was eager to be told why such a “weighty decision” had been made while she was away.
“There was raw anger. People were angry, and they all wanted answers. Every one of us said what we felt in a raw chat, not minuted, but very critical all the same. We all spoke, each saying what they felt,” a commissioner said. Tantrums reigned and that was to be the last meeting the commissioners had together as Ms Nkatha’s team resigned three days later on Monday.
Mr Chebukati, however, said the Naivasha meeting on April 13 was meant to give the resigning commissioners a chance to air their grievances. “They did not. They would also have introduced a motion to ask the commission chair to review the plenary decision,” he said in a statement, insisting that sending Chiloba on leave was in line with his oath to protect public funds.
The chairman said the behaviour of those opposed to the action on Chiloba “demonstrates lack of capacity to lead in difficult times and accommodate divergent views.”
After the meeting, Ms Nkatha drove to Nairobi, Mrs Mwachanya took a flight to Mombasa as Dr Kurgat headed to his Eldoret home. However, they had agreed on a common cause of action: consult with friends and family and compare notes later. This prompted the decision on Sunday to resign which was communicated on Monday.
“A lot of discussions went into this. We did an analysis of all we have gone through and I remember we read Proverbs 22: 1, about a good name being more desirable than riches,” another commissioner said.
Ms Mwachanya was tasked with preparing a joint statement, which would be approved by the team before being read out to the media the next day at 10am. The invites were sent out to the media by a local public relations firm, which concealed its identity, only saying that some state officers will make a “major announcement.”
“Given the severe deterioration of confidence in the commission chair, we find our position as commissioners under his leadership no longer tenable. Consequently, we regret to announce our resignation from the commission with immediate effect,” the commissioners said in their statement.
The intrigues of the last meeting came as the IEBC said that the security of Mr Chebukati, Prof Guliye and Mr Molu had been withdrawn.
“The withdrawal of security is likely to expose the chairman and the two commissioners to security risk. The action undermines their effectiveness in executing the work of the commission,” said Mr Andrew Limo, IEBC’s communications manager.
The obligation to provide security, over which Mr Limo said they had written to the Inspector-General, should be throughout the commissioners’ tenure, and ceases only when the contract expires.
On Tuesday, sources in Parliament intimated that a petition to force the removal of Mr Chebukati, Prof Guliye, and Mr Molu was in the final stages of being drafted and was likely be tabled this week.
The petition was also likely to focus on the apparent gross misconduct and conflict of interest on the part of Mr Chebukati following revelations that Cootow and Associates, a firm he founded in 2006, represented the IEBC in at least six petitions.
National Assembly Majority Leader Aden Duale accused Mr Chebukati of failing to create synergy within the secretariat, the political parties, or even his commissioners. Now, he has no legal basis for a plenary or to give directions,” Mr Duale told Citizen TV. He said that Parliament had set itself a 50-day deadline to “fix” the IEBC.
Reported by Patrick Lang’at, Samwel Owino and David Mwere
Two public funeral services will be held to celebrate the life of the late Cabinet minister and multi-party democracy crusader Kenneth Matiba.
A tentative funeral programme released by the organising committee said the services would be held on Thursday and Friday next week at the All Saints Cathedral in Nairobi and at Ihura Stadium in Murang’a Town, respectively.
There will also be a church service for the Matiba family and friends on Sunday at his home in Riara Ridge, Limuru, from 2pm and 4pm. The burial date has not yet been made public.
Mr Matiba died on Sunday, aged 85. He had been treated at Karen Hospital for several weeks.
“Friends and family will congregate on Wednesday, April 18, Thursday, April 19 and Friday, April 20, at the family home in Limuru,” said a statement signed by government spokesman Eric Kiraithe.
The committee, chaired by Interior Principal Secretary Karanja Kibicho, said the decisions were made in consultation with the family, led by the late politician’s son, Mr Raymond Matiba.
The former Kiharu MP, who has been mourned as a champion of democracy, had been ailing ever since he suffered a stroke while at Kamiti Maximum Security Prison, where he was held without trial for agitating for political pluralism. He was later released.
Besides politics, Mr Matiba was a businessman and invested in the exclusive Hillcrest Preparatory (founded by Frank Thompson) and Hillcrest Secondary School. He founded The People newspaper as a weekly in 1992 and re-launched it as a daily in 1998.
Mr Matiba would go on to sue the government for damages for the illegal detention. He was initially awarded Sh504 million compensation but went back to court because there had been a miscalculation. The amount was then increased to Sh945 million.
And as the country mulls a befitting send-off for one of the heroes of the “Second Liberation”, members of Murang’a County Assembly have proposed that Murang’a University College of Technology be renamed Kenneth Matiba University of Technology in his honour.
The members, who suspended yesterday’s House business to pay tribute to Mr Matiba, described him as a fighter who sacrificed his health and wealth for the sake of democracy.
In a motion tabled by Ithiru Ward MCA Francis Kibe, the ward reps want the county executive to initiate negotiations with the university management and the Ministry of Education to consider honouring Mr Matiba, a founding member of the institute.
“The late Kenneth Matiba was the engine behind Murang’a University College. He donated a lot of money to have the institution established. It is in order for the institution to be named after him,” Mr Kibe said.
The MCAs noted that the late Matiba was a role model in education, sports, farming and business sectors in the country. They proposed that the talks between the county and national government start immediately since there was no other national institution named after Mr Matiba.
The Kenneth Matiba Eye and Dental Hospital at Kenol Township is currently the only public facility named after the politician.
The hospital was established by the County Government in 2016 to honour Mr Matiba’s contributions and achievements in the county.
Murang’a Governor Mwangi Wa Iria said the hospital offers free services in honour of Mr Matiba for his selflessness in the fight for democracy.
“We noted that no institution or road in Kenya has been named after Kenneth Matiba despite his many contributions to democracy.
“The best way we could reward him was by setting up a facility to offer free services for residents to enjoy what Matiba fought for,” the governor told the Nation.
Benson Kukat remembers the first time he picked up a gun and marched to war. It was in 2010 — in the midst of a vicious cholera outbreak that killed tens of people and devastated his community. He estimates that he was just 13-years-old, a fresh adolescent but with an overwhelming sense of duty.
Kukat had grown up knowing that Turkanas were his natural enemies and had been taught that to exist as a Pokot is to participate in seemingly endless acts of aggression in a deadly dance for supremacy and livestock.
The target was Lomelo in Turkana, around 80km away as the crow flies, but one that the warriors would take a week or so to cover after beating a path through thorny bush and rocky ground, afraid to take the established roads in case they were spotted.
But that raid, his first of three, saw him go back home empty-handed. “We successfully made away with dozens of cows and goats but the Turkanas came after us. They waylaid us on our path back, waiting in the bushes and picking us out one by one. Three of us died that day, and many others were injured. More painfully, the Turkana made away with all their animals. We returned home empty handed,” he said.
Subsequent raids have not been successful either. The most he has ever taken home is a few goats. It is becoming increasingly harder to justify going on potentially fatal livestock theft missions if the returns are so low.
And perhaps that is one of the reasons Mngetich Lokochil has quit. At 34, he has two wives and seven children, and spends his days looking after livestock.
In 2005, he joined a cohort of Pokot raiders passing through his village on their way to Ilchamus in Marigat for a raid. Armed with a spear he marched with all the confidence of a 21-year-old.
“I felt that I had come of age and it was time for me to acquire a few cows of my own. Besides, I had grown up hearing stories from my grandfather about how he would go on raids in his youth, and it was implied that I should be doing the same thing too,” he said.
But Lokochil’s first raid was also his last. His band of 60 or so warriors suffered such massive casualties that he swore never to go on such a mission again.
“I was lucky to survive with no injuries and to return home with five goats, nowhere near the great bounty I had imagined. I saw my friends die in that raid, and the task of breaking the news to their families fell on us who survived. I have children now; if I went out there and died, who would take care of them?” he said.
To prepare for days of hiking through unforgiving terrain, the warriors carry boiled maize, sugar, tea leaves, water, sufurias to cook tea in, money and medicines such as anti-malarials or snake bite antidotes. And, of course, weapons.
“We don’t carry sleeping bags, we sleep wherever we are when we get tired. We walk mostly in silence. We have leaders who go ahead of us to spy, they then come back, give us information and organise us into groups, which inform our attack strategy,” he said.
This knowledge, along with the expertise to use guns, is passed down the generations, fuelling a deadly conflict in whose wake death and devastation follow. And the Pokot, Turkana, Tugen, Marakwet and Ilchamus have been in conflict for as long as anyone can remember.
Perennial insecurity in some pockets of the Kerio Valley, a region whose territory sweeps from the arid bushland of South Baringo to the foggy hills of West Pokot, has continued to stump experts and policy makers, who have been unable to implement any long lasting solutions to peace.
The Greater Rift Valley’s problem with guns and militarisation dates back to colonial days and the government’s systemic isolation of nomadic pastoralism.
According to Small Arms Survey, a report on small arms proliferation in Kenya, nomadic pastoralists have armed themselves over the years due to their proximity to conflict riven countries and the Kenyan government’s inability to protect them. Experts say that between 530,000 and 680,000 firearms may be in civilian hands nationally.
“Northern Kenya, confronted by the multiple challenges of underdevelopment, interethnic resource-based conflicts, and proximity to war-prone neighbouring countries, has had the highest prevalence of small arms, with the highest estimates at over 100,000 in 2003,” states the report published in 2012. It is these challenges that have continued to prevail throughout the years, creating a marginalised region that has had to survive by its wits.
Dr Mutuma Ruteere, a conflict and crisis expert, agrees. “The very nature of nomadic pastoralism requires the people who practice it to own guns. Their survival depends on livestock being restocked after every dry period, and often the only way to do this is by stealing from other pastoralists, hence the need for firearms,” he said.
In the past, the government has engaged in many disarmament exercises based on the premise that if you can get the people to give up their guns, then you can stop conflict from escalating and make peace treaties more likely. But this approach only works if the players actually give up their guns.
“Many pastoralists own more than one firearm, so what they do during disarmament campaigns is give up their oldest weapons and keep the rest. Besides, the smuggling routes still exist so it is only a matter of time before they rearm,” he said.
Many of the residents interviewed in the region admitted to carrying firearms, which they say are for their protection. “Some of us have registered our weapons with the government, but we are not willing to give them up because that would make us vulnerable to attacks from our neighbours,” said Adumorita Lodomoki, who at 28 says he has participated in several raids.
But if the theory of drought and lack can explain the frequent raids in Baringo, it comes apart when applied to the rich highlands of Lelan, where potatoes grow almost at will and where fat cows graze on carefully demarcated farms. The land is rich and the people prosperous. Yet, even in this corner of paradise, violence remains an ever present threat.
The highlands straddle West Pokot and Elgeyo Marakwet counties, forcing the Pokot and the Marakwet into a conflicted proximity. Sporadic gunshots are not uncommon, and residents have got used to high speed police patrol vehicles traversing the area.
Anderson Kariono, a Pokot farmer who has lived his entire life in Kamelei Sub Location, Tapach Location, West Pokot, used to make hundreds of thousands of shillings a year selling potatoes and milk. He is now an internally displaced person, living in tents in a forest with his family after bandits razed his house and stole half of his livestock.
“I woke up one morning at around 6am to the sound of gunshots. On getting up to investigate, I found chaos. A crowd of Marakwet warriors were steadily advancing towards my gate and the hills appeared to be engulfed in large clouds of smoke. My neighbours houses were on fire. I quickly woke my family, managed to grab around 20 cows and we fled towards Sawa Forest, four kilometres away. We knew that staying behind would mean death,” he said.
On that raid, in February this year, hundreds of families were forced out of their homes and an unknown number of livestock was stolen. The displaced families are still living in Sawa Forest. The farmers sometimes sneak back to till their lands, but they dare not farm on the scale that they did before.
“I have currently planted potatoes on only one acre of land, leaving the other four bare because I am afraid that the attackers will strike again. As long as the threat of violence hangs over our heads, life cannot go back to normal,” he said.
There had been other raids before that one. Since violence broke out in 2016, seven people from both sides have died, and just two weeks ago, an administration police officer attached to the Anti Stock Theft Unit was shot and killed by cattle rustlers during a mission to recover stolen livestock from Embobut Forest.
“Both the Pokot and the Marakwet are perpetrators of violence, so there have been a lot of retaliatory attacks. Some 180 houses been burnt down since February this year, 30 of them belonging to the Marakwet,” said assistant chief Benjamin Kelan of Kamelei sub location.
West Pokot Governor John Lonyangapuo has put the violence down to the eviction of the Marakwet and Sengwer communities from Embobut Forest in 2014 by the government. Evictions from the forest, designed to arrest illegal logging and degradation of water towers, have been fraught with opposition from forest dwellers and activist groups.
“The government evicted people on the Marakwet side, burnt houses three years ago [and] gave residents Sh410,000 each. But it did not explain that they were staying in forest land. The issue is causing havoc,” Lonyangapuo said in February.
If this is a resource war, it follows the pattern seen in Laikipia County in the past few months. In 2017, herders from Isiolo, Samburu and Baringo counties descended on the lush savannahs of Laikipia and invaded ranches, leaving behind a trail of death and destruction. By the time the gunshots went silent, many smallholder farmers had fled their land, hundreds of livestock stolen and wild animals in conservancies killed. That year alone, 22 people lost their lives, including eight policemen.
According to Dr Ruteere, inequality is the biggest driver of violence and conflict. “The presence of ranches has created systems where incredible wealth lies side by side with incredible poverty. This is unsustainable and will always cause conflict. A solution would be to create a better model where wealth is shared so that neither community feels shortchanged,” he said.
In some cases, the violence is down to dirty politics sparked by local politicians to hold onto power.
In Tiaty constituency in Baringo County last year February, two politicians — Parliamentary aspirant Pepee Kitambaa and ward representative Kibet Cheretei — were shot dead in a night club. Their deaths were put down to political rivalry.
“Local politicians are involved in arming the youth to carry out these attacks. There is no way ordinary citizens could have access to bullets from the Eldoret Armoury without help from senior government officials,” said Kennedy Ayabei, a local resident who works with an initiative called Jamii Dhabiti to reform bandits and restore peace in the area.
He added that cultural factors, such as bride price, could also be a driver of violence. “Many times these warriors go on raids to raise the hefty bride price demanded by the community. The Pokot charge an especially high dowry; around 60 cows and goats, forcing their young men to steal,” he said.
But whether the raids are driven by a desire for more livestock or acquisition of new territory, the presence of firearms has escalated the violence.
Teachers’ unions have accused the government of deliberately delaying to remit their dues amounting to millions of shillings.
Kenya Union of Post-Primary Education Teachers (Kuppet) is demanding Sh35 million while Kenya National Union of Teachers (Knut) wants Sh135 million.
Kuppet acting secretary-general Moses Nturima said the union is unable to run its activities due to the delay.
“We write to inform you that for the last two months, you have intentionally delayed remittance to the union account despite having deducted the cash,” said Mr Nturima in a letter dated April 17 to TSC chief executive Nancy Macharia.
He went on: “The union operations across the country have almost collapsed. Union employees have not been paid salaries for the month of March which is very unkind. Bank loans and other financial obligations have not been met.”
The union wants the TSC to release the money immediately to avoid “unnecessary” legal action.
“This seems to be an orchestrated move to kill teachers’ unions in Kenya because no amount of explanation can suffice to explain this cruel and illegal action by TSC,” said Mr Nturima.
For his part, Knut secretary-general Wilson Sossion said the union is unable to pay staff in the head office and the 110 branches across the country.
“We are asking the TSC to give us the money as soon as possible,” said Mr Sossion.
TSC could not be reached for comment as Ms Macharia did not respond to queries on the matter.
At the same time, Mr Sossion has promised to resign only if directed by the union’s 2,000 delegates.
During the union’s 60th annual conference in Mombasa in December last year, the delegates resolved to have Mr Sossion continue serving as the union chief.
The Knut boss said NEC’s role is to see that the decisions and policies of the annual delegates conference are fully executed.
However, Mr Sossion is facing a tough battle to retain his position in the union after the NEC reportedly gave him an ultimatum to resign as ODM nominated MP so that he can concentrate on union matters.
“The resignation is supposed to be done in the shortest time possible and, if not done, we will act,” said a member of NEC whose comment was corroborated by other officials who did not want to be named.
Two cases have also been filed in court to have him quit the union. In January, TSC sacked Mr Sossion as a public school teacher but he has since challenged the decision in court.
Kenya’s economic news was coloured by two interlinked issues last week: How the State is taking over from the private sector as the main driver of the economy and the ongoing debate about the bank interest rate capping.
The World Bank revealed that, in the past four years, the public sector’s contribution to gross domestic product (GDP) growth has more than doubled and, conversely, the private sector’s diminished.
The public sector’s contribution grew to 2.5 per cent whereas private enterprise’s declined from 1.1 per cent to 0.7 per cent in an economy that has been growing at 5 per cent-plus per annum.
The government stimulating the economy or nudging it in proactive directions is fine, especially if it uses the carrot — as opposed to stick — approach. A good example is in infrastructure-led growth.
This is a vital — indeed crucial — factor since Kenya is the regional economic hub. It is the major gateway to the fast-growing economies of Uganda and Rwanda. To keep its place, it must improve its overall transport and communications infrastructure — the ports, roads, railways, air traffic, cross-border points or any of the inter-related facilities.
Tanzania is improving the ports of Dar es salaam, Tanga and Bagamoyo. In short, we are facing increased competition.
The catch comes when we do it in the wrong way. We spend far too much money on overpriced projects with a disproportionately low return.
I have written often about the SGR project and have no problem at all with the overall concept; it’s the opaque way it was agreed on, the cost and now the staccato approach to it.
The government is borrowing heavily for such projects. Interest and loan repayments come out of our taxes and often result in more borrowing. The SGR project is a significant component of the increased government involvement in economic growth.
The increased government stake in our economic growth should obtain good value for money and not be helping to crowd out the private sector.
The most dynamic ingredient in our economic performance has been the entrepreneurial drive of the private sector. We have a rich mix of go-getters in the formal and informal sectors who drive the economy through thick and thin.
Observers often commend the resilience of this economy. Last year’s two elections and a severe, prolonged drought would debilitate an economy for a while but it is picking up, thanks to the private sector.
What it needs is a better operating environment. If it is only contributing around 10 per cent of economic growth, then something is wrong.
Anyone who has had to file iTax returns to KRA recently will know just how hard it is as their IT systems stop and start and stutter along. This all takes a disproportionate amount of the private sector’s time.
Another is the current regime of interest rates cap. Whatever the noble theory behind it, it has just not worked. It has actually denied working capital to many small and medium enterprises, the working ants of the economy, and had the opposite effect to its objective.
It is one of the causes of the economic slowdown last year and among the reasons it is not picking up faster this year.
The answer to the making credit cheaper is to create a more competitive environment amongst the lenders and have a stable macro and fiscal economic environment.
The rate caps must be amended or at least widened.
The government needs to have more carefully honed, focused and less infrastructure projects and brutally cut back on its extravagance and waste. It must also facilitate more dynamism in the private sector and stop crowding it out.
Congolese star musician Koffi Olomide’s planned concert tour of Kakamega during the forthcoming Devolution Conference hangs in the balance, as his controversial past conduct comes back to haunt him.
Olomide was deported from Kenya in July 2016 following an ugly incident at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA), in which he of assaulted one of his dancers.
Controversy has also erupted over the invitation of the renowned band leader, composer and singer with the Kakamega County government and promoters denying they invited him.
On Monday, Kakamega Governor Wycliffe Oparanya, who first broke news about Olomide’s planned visit, had asked Devolution Cabinet Secretary Eugene Wamalwa to intervene and have his tour cleared.
Mr Oparanya asked Mr Wamalwa to raise the issue with his Internal Security counterpart, Dr Fred Matiang’i, to have the musician allowed into the country to perform at Kakamega’s Bukhungu Stadium.
“Our people love Koffi Olomide’s music and it will be very exciting if he will be allowed to come and perform at Bukhungu to entertain guests attending the devolution conference and Lingala music enthusiasts in the western region,” said the county chief.
Mr Wamalwa, who was being briefed on the progress of preparations for the conference, promised to follow up the matter and ensure that Mr Olomide and his band members are cleared to travel to Kenya.
But Mr Mwenda Njoka, the spokesman for the Ministry of Interior, said the organisers of the trip were required to appeal for a lifting of the ban on the musician.
“Please, talk to the organisers and the Koffi team and ask them if they got the ban lifted. The onus is on Koffi Olomide to apply for the lifting of the ban and not the government,” said Mr Njoka.
A Nairobi-based promoter, Mr Jules Nsana, who had been linked with the planned tour by Olomide, declined to discuss the issue, referring us to the county government.
But Kakamega County head of communication, Mr Dickson Rayori, insisted the musician’s trip was being organised by his promoters.
“The county government will not spend any money to bring Koffi to Kakamega. In fact, the county will earn revenue from gate collections and the hiring of the stadium for the live performance by Koffi,” said Mr Rayori.
The issue of who would pay for the travel and accommodation expenses for the musician, has dominated social media after the county government announced that Koffi would be arriving in the country to perform during the devolution conference.
Mr Rayori dismissed as speculation reports indicating that the county government had allocated Sh20 million to pay the musician and foot his expenses in Kakamega.
Mr Olomide was arrested and deported with three of his band members aboard a Kenya Airways flight to Kinshasa as he attempted to clear himself over allegations of the assault of his band member. He spent the night at the JKIA Police Station.
As the saga unfolded, the musician’s lawyer, Prof George Wajackoyah, claimed at the time that his client was treated “like an animal” by Kenyan police.
On Tuesday, Prof Wajackoyah could not be reached for comment.
Health Cabinet Secretary Sicily Kariuki, who was then serving in the Youth and Gender Affairs docket, recommended the revocation of Koffi’s Kenyan visa.
The artiste had arrived in the country for a grand concert at Bomas of Kenya in Nairobi, but his arrival was hit by controversy after he was caught on camera kicking one of his dancers at the JKIA.
The clip of him kicking dancer Pamela went viral on social media, angering many Kenyans who called for his arrest and deportation.
The concert was cancelled.
Interior CS Fred Matiang’i has warned police against violating the rights of Kenyans.
The CS asked the police to embrace criticism and change their attitude towards work to be more effective.
Dr Matiang’i said the ministry would not condone abuse of citizens’ rights.
“We need to embrace the civil society, the human rights groups and civilians because they play a critical role in ensuring that we deliver on our mandate,” Dr Matiang’i (below) said on Tuesday.
He was speaking at the Kenya School of Government when he met top security officials, who included the Inspector-General Joseph Boinnet, the deputy inspectors-general, Director of Criminal Investigations George Kinoti, police commanders, heads of formations and units and prison commanders.
He urged security chiefs to stop blame games whenever something goes wrong, and instead work to rectify the situation.
“There are areas where we have made mistakes and in most cases, we have rectified them. However, there is more that we need to do,” he said.
He warned police officers that they would be held personally responsible if they are found to have violated the rights of civilians while enforcing the law.
“I was, like any other Kenyan, angered by a video of a police officer from Industrial Area who was caught on video stepping on a civilian. I have confirmed that action has been taken against the officer and we have done this with many other cases,” he said.
The CS asked the Inspector-General to regularly release police reports on crime so that Kenyans can be updated on the progress of fighting insecurity.
“We should also openly tell Kenyans on cases that have been concluded so that they are updated,” Dr Matiang’i.
The CS urged the security bosses to work together instead of “unnecessarily competing against one another”.
Kenya joined other countries in marking the World Haemophilia Day on Tuesday.
The ceremony took place in Nairobi under the theme “sharing knowledge.
Kenya Haemophilia Association chairman Kibet Shikuku said at least one in every 10,000 Kenyans has had the disorder, also called the bleeder’s disease.
The blood of a haemophiliac does not clot easily. The condition can result in bleeding long after an injury or an increased bleeding in one’s joints or brain.
Dr Shikuku said only 650 patients, or 14 per cent of the haemophiliacs, have been diagnosed and registered for treatment and care.
He added that people with the illness lack certain factor proteins needed to form a clot.
“For patients with mild haemophilia, blood does not clot automatically when they are injured or during a surgery,” Dr Shikuku said.
Those with severe haemophilia can start bleeding spontaneously from their joints, muscles or other body parts.
He said symptoms may include swelling, pain and stiffness and problems in using one’s muscles or joints. Continuous bleeding in a joint may also lead to arthritis, he said.
A baby gets the disease from its mother through the X chromosome. Women have two X chromosomes while men have only one.
“Men can have a disease like haemophilia if they inherit an affected X chromosome from their mother,” Dr Shikuku explained.
“In women, the good X chromosome will buffer the abnormal one, therefore moderating the severity of the disease.”
The most common types of the condition are haemophilia A and B.
“The one a person has depends on which of the clotting factor proteins are absent. The obvious treatment is to put back what is missing,” he said.
Haemophiliacs face several challenges, including costly treatment, lack of treatment facilities and inadequate specialists. Many cases go undetected.
The disease is treated by injecting a clotting factor concentrate into a vein.
“It costs about Sh150,000 to administer the treatment to a baby for three days,” Dr Shikuku said.
For an adult, it depends on weight but treatment can be three times that amount.”
There are only three hospitals in Kenya which run haemophilia comprehensive care clinics: Moi Teaching and Referral, Coast General and Kenyatta National hospitals.
The prophylaxis programme, a treatment introduced in 2016, stalled due to a shortage of drugs.